This year marks eighteen years of lies and betrayals from Paul Kagame, as he continues to cover up his crimes against humanity. Many Rwandans struggle to come to terms with lose of their loved ones, while the criminal continues to parade the streets as a free man?
Fed up with Paul Kagame’s way of doing things, Jean Pierre Mugabe, former Intelligence Officer of the Department G2 of National Gendarmerie (Rwandan Patriotic Army) fled to the United State of America to seek refugee in 2000. Thereafter he was followed by many other Rwandeses who did not jelly well with Paul Kagame’s leadership.
Recently Dr Theogene Rudasingwa, senator Safari Stanley, Col Patrick Karegeya and Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa unchained themselves and fled into exile. This angered already angry man to a point where his agents started hunting those opposing him in exile. The following extracts from Jean Pierre Mugabe’s confession letter in 2000 published in 2001 by “Centre for Research on Globalisation”, shades a light in our understanding of a man who continues to betray Rwandans on a large scale.
The Perpetrators of the Presidential Aircraft Crash .
Major-General Paul KAGAME is the son of Rutagambwa and Siteriya and comes from Gitisi and Nyamagana near Ruhango (GITARAMA).
Colonel James KABAREBE. Was the private Secretary and aide-de-camp (ADC) of Major-General Paul Kagame (see above). He became Commander of the High Command Unit at Mulindi. Later, this Unit became the Republican Guard under his leadership. James Kabarebe was the Commander-in-Chief of the Congolese Army Forces (FAC) after Mzee Laurent Desire Kabila took power in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 1997. Soon after, James took the control of forces determined to overthrow Mzee Kabila.
Lieutenant-Colonel Charles KAYONGA was chief in charge of the Operations Unit of High Command Unit at Mulindi - at that time with the rank of lieutenant - from December 1993 until July 1, 1994. From lieutenant, he was promoted directly to the rank of Lieutenant-colonel and given the command of the RPA battalion sent to Kigali to what is now the National Assembly (then the NDC: National Development Council) after the signing of the Arusha Accords. Kayonga had under his command more than 3,200 RPA troops, wearing civilian clothes, who clandestinely entered into the city of Kigali.
Preparations in the Rwandan Patriotic Front .
During and after the signing of the Arusha Peace Accords, the Rwandan Patriotic Front was preparing for the final battle. After the signature by both sides involved in the conflict, (then) Major (now Major-General) Paul Kagame started visiting all Unit Commands under the areas controlled by RPF. He met with us (Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers) and assured us that we should not believe at all in Arusha Peace Accords.
"Be ready with your military equipment, we are going to fight for the final war against the Kigali Government," Major Paul Kagame told the RPF troops.
Thereafter, the military forces in different units received intensive training in Karama, a political-military center in Byumba prefecture. In addition, the nominally-civilian cadres of RPF also received some military and political training in Karama to support the RPA.
When the RPF had sent its RPA battalion of 600 troops to Kigali under command of Lt.-Col. Charles Kayonga, other military units in civilian clothes also infiltrated the town of Kigali. Every time that RPF trucks came to our headquarter in Mulindi to load military supplies and firewood to be sent to the battalion in Kigali (at the CND, where the RPA battalion was based), arms and ammunition were also loaded, concealed among the supplies which were legitimately supposed to reach Kigali.
The RPF's high-ranking officers in Kigali under MINUAR (United Nations International Monitoring Unit in Rwanda) were there to survey the preparations of the then- Government Army. RPF officials tried at their best to convince other opposition political parties to address the Rwandan crises by eliminating President Habyalimana. Pres. Habyalimana has been reported as the key person who brought disaster to the country and the person who delayed the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accord. There were, however, other factors. The main political parties, the MDR and PSD, were reluctant to support the RPF proposal in the belief that the RPF itself would not respect the Arusha Peace Accord.
Gatabazi Felicien, the incumbent Secretary-General of PSD (Partie Socialiste Democrat), was killed by RPF gunmen while entering his compound in Kigali in February 1994, because he had opposed the RPF plan. The killers used a known and standard RPF method called "standing up". The RPF held a meeting between February and March 1994 at Mulindi with RPF- member businessmen, the sponsors of RPF's guerilla operations.
Major-General Paul Kagame, closing that meeting, spoke about the Arusha Peace Accord, accusing Habyalimana of delaying its imprimantation. A businessman named Kalinda Sweet Bread (who subsequently fled Rwanda in 1998 after the RPA killed his child), speaking on behalf of other RPF members, declared that the Arusha Peace Accord delayed the RPF program and that this would cost a lot of money which they would not be capable of providing in the coming days. Major- General Kagame asked for solutions. Kalinda responded that the real solution was to re- attack the Rwandan Government. That proposal was well-received by other businessmen and Kagame did not oppose it.
The Collapse of the Arusha Peace Accord Was the Opportunity for the RPF to Seize Power .
It was clear that if the Arusha Peace Accord was to be implemented then both the Habyalimina Administration and the RPF would face possibly insurmountable difficulties. (It was well-known that elections would not favor the RPF because Hutu power cores of the MRND, MDR, CDR, PSD and PL parties were composed mostly of Hutu.) As a result, both leaders, for different reasons, knew that implementation of the Arusha Accords was not acceptable, despite public posturing to the contrary.
Maj.-Gen. Kagame at this stage was clearly committed, therefore, to continuing the guerrilla war against the Habyalimana, up to and including the assassination of the President. It has become clear that, in this process, Maj.-Gen. Kagame was aware of the fact that killing Pres. Habyalimana would initiate mass destruction and genocide. RPF officers, such as myself, were told in 1993 by the RPF leadership that intelligence reports indicated that Pres. Habyalimana's Hutu followers would begin a campaign to kill all Tutsis in the event that Kagame attempted to seize power.
This intelligence was leaked to the exiled King of Rwanda, King Kigeli V, by his supporters within the RPF, and the King subsequently used the information to issue written warnings to the United States Government and the United Nations that a campaign of genocide was expected. These warnings are now a matter of public record.
As an intelligence officer, I knew that Maj.-Gen. Kagame was well-informed of the fact that Pres. Habyalimana's Presidential Guard and Interahamwe militia were trained and armed to eliminate Tutsi groups in case Paul Kagame attempted to take power. He knew very well that almost all Tutsi were registered on the list of those who had to be exterminated.
The RPF's clandestine broadcasting unit, Radio Muhabura, consistently and openly broadcast at the time details of the Interahamwe's plans for attacks on Tutsis.
The following examples demonstrate that extent of that situation:
Gatabazi Felicien, noted above, was assassinated by the RPF because he had refused to endorse the plan to kill Habyalimana. The RPF had been afraid that he might reveal the plans to Habyalimana who was a close associate in an arms business which weapons supplied to Palipehutu, a criminal-extremist Hutu group in Burundi, and through Mr. Minani, who was at that time a Burundian Minister. The transit store of those arms was a company called Mimosa, a travel company located behind St. Andrews College at Nyamirambo, a suburb of Kigali. Mimosa belonged to Mbarushimana Antoine, a close friend to Gatabazi. Mbarushimana was subsequently killed by RPA at Nyanza (a sub-prefecture of Butare) after the genocide, in order to silence a witness of Gatabazi's death.
Part 2 to follow up next.