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THE TRUTH BEHIND THE RWANDA TRAGEDY
By
Mr. Remigius Kintu
The Following Document was prepared upon request and presented to the U.N. Tribunal
on Rwanda, Arusha, Tanzania
March 20, 2005
I come before you, Ladies and Gentlemen of this noble Tribunal which was instituted to
search for the truth behind the heinous crimes committed in Rwanda. And upon you
was charged the noble responsibility of dispensing justice where it is due. If I could
borrow from the wisdom of great men and women of long ago, truth is not a function of
public opinion or majority vote, nor does it stem from the wishes of the mighty and
powerful, but rather it stands in its absolute properties regardless of opinions, purposes or
values of anyone and transcends time and space.
I want to borrow from the Greek play OEDIPUS REX by Sophocles. King Oedipus was
disturbed by the immense suffering taking place in Thebes. The calamity in that land of
Thebes was caused by the innocent blood of its King Laisos who was killed many years
ago. Kreon told Oedipus what he heard from Delphi that the gods demand we expel from
the land of Thebes an old defilement we are sheltering.
As a result, Oedipus made the following pledge: If any man knows by whose hand king
Laios son of Ladbakos met his death, I direct that man to tell me everything no matter
what he fears for having so long withheld it. Let it stand as promised that no further
trouble will come to him but he may leave the land in safety. And for the criminal, I pray
to God that that man s life be consumed in evil and wretchedness. And as for me, this
curse applies no less.
He further stated that the god Apollo sent us word that this great pestilence would lift,
only if established clearly the identity of those who murdered Laios. None of the wise
men and priests could reveal the secret of the calamity that befell the land of Thebes.
Choragos suggested that there is one man who may detect the criminal. This is Teirsias, a
blind holy prophet in whom alone, of all men, truth was born.
Teirsias was brought before the throne and revealed to Oedipus: I say that you are the
murderer whom you seek. I say you live in hideous shame with those most dear to you.
You cannot see the evil. It is the truth that sustains me .
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BACKGROUND
The Hutu vis-à-vis Tutsi Relations
The Tutsi vs. Hutu relationship in Rwanda has been marred with gruesome human rights
violations committed and perpetuated by Tutsis for centuries. Belgian colonialism did
very little to alleviate the brutality, enslavement, dehumanization and all sorts of
suffering which Hutus endured for centuries at the hands of Tutsi minority who
controlled that country with an iron hand. Hutus were nothing but slaves of Tutsis. Each
Hutu was obliged to perform UBURETWA which was labor performed by Hutus
which symbolized the most degrading and humiliating form of servitude. Hence, a Hutu
was required to put in a day s work at a property of a Tutsi master without pay. The
harvest of the land belonged to Tutsis who had the right and privilege of enjoying
whatever the Hutu labor produced. Yet the Hutus could use left-overs at the discretion of
the Master Tutsis. Needless to say, land belonged to Tutsis and Hutus had one duty and
that is of working on it for the benefit of the masters. Such institutionalized
impoverishment forced many Hutus to seek paid employment in Uganda. Others sought
labor jobs in Congo. Whenever a Hutu slave/servant failed to perform his duties at the
Tutsi master s property, the punishment was 8 lashes by kiboko (a whip made out of a
dry skin of a hippopotamus).
Educational opportunities were for only Tutsis, thus creating a mass of ignorant and
uneducated population of Hutus. Only at the discretion of a Master to his extraordinarily
obedient and docile slave, could a Hutu s child be permitted to attend school but only up
to a certain level, as may be wished by the masters. Government positions, from the King
down to the lowest level, were exclusively for Tutsis.
The brutality of Tutsis over Hutus had no limits. It became their second nature that
neither human decency nor moral/spiritual values could influence the way Tutsis treated
Hutus. For instance, Umwami, (king) official drum and symbol of royalty, called
KALINGA, was decorated with the dried penises of Hutu men. The Queen Mother, who
wielded significant power, had her two spears symbols of authority anchored in two
Hutu babies or adults.
A Tutsi had a right to kill a Hutu for any reason, including simple displeasure of a Hutu s
looks. Sometimes such killing could be done by parents to please their child who may
have expressed a hatred of a Hutu for any reason.
The dehumanization process reached a terrible depth that Hutus were barred from crying
if and when such atrocities were inflicted upon them. The consequences of shedding tears
at the presence of such brutal injustices were fatal. As a result of centuries of
dehumanization and odious brutalization, Hutus do not cry but rather freeze or become
petrified and weep internally. These are but a few examples of the brutality Tutsis
exercised over Hutus for centuries.
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THE HUTU REVOLT
In 1948, the UN reports expressed shock at the inequalities in Rwandan social and
political structures and called upon the Belgian colonial administration to prepare the
population for self-government. The Tutsi did not agree with the UN recommendations
and so wanted to keep their status of being superior to Hutus.
The first blows of the Hutu revolution were struck in 1959 when a gang of Tutsi youths
attacked one of the few Hutu sub-chiefs. The news of his death spread across the country
and Hutu moved to retaliate. The Hutu uprising of 1959 was important because it
demonstrated the depth of rural discontent with the Tutsi domination and mistreatment of
Hutus. This revolution ended in 1961 when democratic elections and a referendum on the
monarchy were held under the UN supervision. The Hutus won by an overwhelming
majority vote. The referendum delivered a decisive rejection of the monarchy. Under the
leadership of a charismatic Gregoire Kayibanda, democratically elected Hutus took
control of government and Parliament.
That revolution which abolished the monarchy, established for the first time in the history
of Rwanda a government run by majority Hutus. As a result, thousands of Tutsis who
were members of the repressive regime including their Umwami (King) fled to
neighboring countries of Uganda, Congo, and Tanzania and beyond.
The Catholic Church in Rwanda played a significant role in abolishing the Tutsi slavery
of Hutus in the late 1950s. Tutsis regardless of their religious affiliation have harbored a
deep resentment against the Church since then. In particular, retired Archbishop Andre
Perraudin who in 1959 wrote a pastoral letter in which he asked, in the name of charity,
that an end be put to the privileges of one ethnic group over another, suggesting social
reforms and greater democracy. Prior to his becoming a Bishop, Fr. Perraudin had been
one of a few Missionaries who taught, believed and lived the doctrine of social justice in
Rwanda.
That diabolic hatred of the church by Tutsis was vividly demonstrated by RPF when they
accused Bishop Augustin Misago of the so called genocide of 1994. Bishop Fokas of
Ruhengeri was taken away by police and presumed killed. A government sponsored
campaign to demean the Catholic Church in Rwanda has been going at the highest level
of RPF administration. What is even more shameful is to see that Tutsis raided a church
to demonstrate at on April 4, 1999 in Veyras, Switzerland when the retired Bishop was
celebrating his 60 years of priesthood. They accused him of the 1994 genocide. The
Bishop served Rwanda for 38 years and retired to his home country of Switzerland on
September 15 1993. His legacy of emancipating Hutus from Tutsi enslavement is the
crime Tutsis can never forgive him.
TUTSI REFUGEES IN UGANDA
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The UNHCR set up refugee camps for Tutsis soon after they arrived in Uganda in 1960,
at Rwimi and Base Camp Kasese in Toro, Kamuhingi and at Rukinga Valley in Ankole.
Rukinga Valley was a sparely populated area. It provided excellent grazing grassland for
those that came with their livestock. The UN agency took full responsibility for those
people. Uganda, as a young nation, had never experienced such an influx of refugees and
did not know how to handle such problems.
It is important to remember that Tutsis made no secret of their intentions to return to
Rwanda as rulers. We cannot accept to be ruled by Hutus who are supposed
to be our slaves , so they declared. Soon after they settled in those camps, they
devised plans of taking back power in Rwanda through force. In the 1960s Tutsi refugees
made several attempts to capture power by force. There were about 5 attempts during
Kayibanda s reign, when Tutsi militant groups made unsuccessful attempts to attack
Rwanda from Uganda and Congo. At the same time they were accusing Rwanda of being
undemocratic. They continued waging a two prong attack: accusing the Hutu regime in
Kigali of being undemocratic and repressive, while at the same time mobilizing an armed
invasion of Rwanda. While still under the UNHCR supervision in Uganda, those refugees
tried to mobilize their youth into an armed guerilla group. The militant group was called
THE BANYRWANDA YOUTH ASSOCIATION. A. Milton Obote s first regime
prevented them from using Uganda as a military base for an attack on a neighboring
country because it was a violation of both the U.N. and OAU Charters. That did not go
well in the minds of a people who were obsessed with taking power at any cost. They
worked around it by undermining the very country which gave them refuge.
At that time their efforts were thwarted but their conviction to regain power in Rwanda
did not die. They continued to use other avenues including negotiating with the Kigali
regime for their return to Rwanda, which could give them an opportunity to maneuver to
regain power, by any means, from within the country. There were several negotiations
sponsored by OAU and UN to work out a compromise of returning refugees back to their
country. Each time a compromise was reached; the Tutsi side undermined its
implementation and quickly blamed the Hutu side for the apparent failure. It was self
evident that the Tutsis wanted nothing short of taking total control of the country and
return to the old ways of Tutsi domination and enslavement of Hutus.
They resented the fact that Rwanda was under the control of a majority group a people
they deemed not fit to rule. That sentiment was confirmed many years later when Paul
Kagame s junta officially condemned retired Archbishop Andre Parraudin for his
pivotal role in the emancipation of Hutus in 1950s. The then Fr. Parraudin (who was a
Missionary teacher at a Seminary in Rwanda during the 1950s) expounded to his students
the Catholic doctrine of SOCIAL JUSTICE and HUMAN RIGHTS. On that basis the
Diocesan newspaper called Kinyamateka was entrusted to Gregoire Kayibanda, an exseminarian,
who wrote extensively on social reform, condemning Tutsi brutality against
the Hutus. Kayibanda, backed by the Church through Bishop Parraudin, vehemently
preached justice and human rights for all. It was from that standpoint that Hutu liberation
blossomed and formed a political party PARMEHUTU which waged a victorious
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campaign against the Tutsi dynasty, overthrowing the monarchy and deposing all Tutsi
rulers in 1959/60
END OF REFUGEE CAMPS IN UGANDA
Under the influence of some powerful Hima politicians from Ankole District, namely
Grace S. Ibingira, C.B. Katiti and W.W. Rwetsiba, who were intimately conjugated with
Tutsi refugees, Obote was persuaded to undermine the UNHCR and closed the camps.
Many refugees got off the UNHCR sponsorship at the dismay of UN officials. Uganda
government, working in conjunction with local authorities, settled many Tutsi families at
Namutamba, Kiboga, Mawogola and many parts of Ankole.
He recruited many of the young men and women to serve in his newly created spy and
torture Gestapo-like GENERAL SERVICE UNIT (GSU). They had over the centuries
perfected the skills of spying, torturing and brutal subjection of Hutus in Rwanda. Such
work was their second nature. They learned quickly the Bantu languages of southern
Uganda, particularly, Runyankole, Rukiga, Luganda and Lusoga. Obote s regime was
destined to survive many years in power since it had a monopoly of military power, using
his northern tribesmen combined with an effective but dreaded spy and torture network
manned by Tutsi mercenaries, who had no loyalty to any tribe and could intermingle
freely and effectively among the Bantu tribes of the south, where opposition to his regime
was strongest. Many girls including Tutsis were deployed to work as spies in bars, hotels,
restaurants and even as wives.
Many GSU agents were deployed in various ministries and state controlled corporations
from which they spied on civil servants and the general public. Among GSU agents of
Rwandese extraction were Yoweri Museveni (who as a young boy grew up in the family
of Boniface Byanyima and attended Ntale High School) worked in the Prime Minister s
office. Chris Katsigazi joined the Foreign Affairs Ministry and served in many posts
overseas, including in Washington DC and New York.
GSU became a notorious and dreaded agency causing Obote s regime to be hated. Many
people, especially from the opposition party (Democratic Party), were tortured and
imprisoned by GSU agents. Most of those atrocities were committed by Tutsi agents
purporting to be Banyankole. That insecurity created a paralysis in the country and
disrupted political, social and economic progress.
IDI AMIN AND TUTSIS
General Idi Amin overthrew Obote on January 25, 1971. The population was jubilant
because they expected to see an end to GSU spies. Idi Amin tried to rid Uganda of those
dangerous elements, but unfortunately that was not the case. Many GSU personnel fled
the country, but a significant number of them remained and eventually infiltrated Amin s
regime serving as spies and killers under a new organization called STATE
RESEARCH BUREAU (SRB).
6 FRONASA AND TUTSI PLAN
Those GSU Tutsis who fled Uganda after Idi Amin took over, organized an exile group
names FRONASA. Its leader was Yoweri Museveni, and it was based in Dar es Salaam.
Although that group attracted a number of hard core leftist UPC supporters, its core
members and main objective was to consolidate Tutsi power, according to information
from an ex-wife of one of the inner circle members of the organization. A network of
Tutsis purporting to be Banyankole or Bakiga used that organization to mobilize and
crystallize their political agenda for the entire region.
Within FRONASA a group of militant Tutsis working jointly with Himas was formed to
organize and carry out a grand plan of taking power in countries of the Great Lakes
Region starting with Uganda which was to be used as a base and spring board. That
group included the following: Yoweri K. Museveni, Fred Rwigyema. Paul Kagame, Ezra
Bunyenyezi, Emmanuel Bunyenyezi, David Tinyefunza, Jimmy Muhwezi, Otafire,
Barihona, Rwandali, Rwehibanda, Keitonga, Ghashizi, Ezra Suruma, Muchunguzi,
Kaharwa, Ruhakana Rugunda, Mathew Rukikaire, Perez Kamunanwire, and many others.
Ahmed Sseguya, a Muganda, led the FRONASA military trainees at Nachingweya. He
was later killed at the order of Yoweri Museveni in Luwero during the war. The people
he ordered to kill Sseguya were Muchunguzi, Julius Ayime and Mugume.
The political disintegration in Uganda, to which those killer squads contributed
significantly, opened up new opportunities for Tutsis to take advantage of the situation in
their long term plan of taking political power, commencing with Uganda which they were
to use as a staging point to capture neighboring countries. Under the banner of
FRONASA, Tutsis purporting to be Banyankole or Bakiga, participated in the Moshi
Conference which created Yusuf Lule s regime after the fall of Idi Amin in 1979. While
in a Da es Salaam hotel, Yoweri Museveni gave Yusuf Lule a list of 18 people out of
whom he could pick 14 Ministers; all names were of purportedly Banyankole . His
justification for that glaring bias was, Those are the only people I know . Subsequently
Museveni became Minister of Defense a position he used to plant his fellow Tutsis into
positions of control but he was quickly disarmed by a stronger Nilotic power clique led
by Oyite Ojok.
It is important to remember that soon after Idi Amin was overthrown in 1979, Yoweri
Museveni became Minister of Defense. His FRONASA clique in the National Liberation
Army (NLA) recruited many Tutsi/Hima from Ankole and Kigezi area. Those were
strategically stationed at Lubiri Army Barracks and Makindye Military Police Barracks
from where Rwandali and Rweibanda conducted a random killing rampage of civilians.
They utilized a bus which was called Mpawo Atalikaaba in which the killers rode every
night, picking up their victims and smashing their heads with hoes and littering the
surrounding areas with corpses.
Although Museveni was removed from the Ministry of Defense, his other comrades who
had infiltrated other newly formed security organizations remained and continued their
acts of sabotage which undermined and weakened Yusuf Lule and G.L. Binaisa regimes.
Those crimes of random killings of civilians terrorized the country at the same time
discrediting and weakening Binaisa rule.
In 1980 Baganda political militants started a guerrilla war which eventually overthrew
Obote s second regime. At that time Museveni was Vice Chairman of the ruling Military
Commission. Repressive policies of terrorizing and torture, mysterious and random
killings of civilians, robbing and stealing from the public were daily occurrence. Forcing
people onto trucks (Panda Gali) to be taken to be tortured and others killed was common
in and around Kampala under the watchful eyes of a consenting Museveni. In 1981,
Muuseveni was ousted by the Muwanga/Obote/Oyite Ojok camp. He, together with a
number of Tutsis whom he had groomed joined the ongoing bush war which had started a
year earlier.
Their first action was to steal weapons from other fighters by pretending to join together
and share whatever equipment they had. They then started killing the leaders and finally
took over the operation. That is why Museveni has always lied that the bush war started
in 1981 when it started in 1980. That war against Obote s repressive regime was very
popular among Ugandans. Tutsis saw this as a golden opportunity to take over the
liberation struggle and eventually claim to be the ones who saved Uganda from Obote.
Then they can rule Uganda and eventually use it to conquer other countries, starting with
Rwanda. They made no secret of their regional plan to dominate and control the entire
Great Lakes Region. People who were with them during the fighting recall that
Tutsi/Hima High Command frequently discussed plans to invade Rwanda after they
have taken over Uganda. After that, Congo/Zaire was next and be followed by Tanzania
in that order. Among their objective was to eliminate and /or reduce the numerical
superiority of Hutus through mass killings and any other means, to wipe out the Nilotics
of Northern Uganda who they called Obusoro (little animals), and turn all other Bantu
tribes into a controlled mass of servants or slaves. The plot against Nilotic tribes was also
revealed to me by the late Grace Ibingira in 1986 just before he joined NRM s regime as
Special Advisor to Museveni.
TUTSI INTEGRATION IN UGANDA
Uganda has always been a country founded on an unwritten policy of inclusion; not
exclusion. Museveni s era has forced many Ugandans to wonder what went wrong. Tutsis
were well received by the people and were rendered assistance and acceptability more
than any immigrant group could ever expect. They quickly established themselves,
acquired land for settlement and intermarried. Educational and employment opportunities
were open to all without any discrimination whatsoever. Some attended Makerere
University in Uganda and other universities in Kenya and Tanzania and abroad as
Ugandans camouflaged as Banyankole or Bakiga. Case in point is Edith Ssempala, now
Ugandan Ambassador to USA. She studied Engineering at Lumumba University in Moscow on a Ugandan scholarship. Yet when she was in Moscow, she did not want to
identify herself as a Ugandan but rather as a Rwandese.
There were many Tutsi families who came to Uganda prior 1959. Many of those families
had established themselves among Ugandans. Teacher Karugendo of Kyakanyomozi
village comes to my mind. He was my schoolmate at Busubizi Teacher Training College
from 1955 till 1958. His children participated in the RPF invasion of Rwanda in 1990.
Mr. Nyakamwe raised livestock at Kasali village where he lived till death. His children
were also among those who invaded Rwanda in 1990. Why should their children who
were borne in Uganda, whose parents migrated before the Kayibanda revolution, join
RPF in the invasion of Rwanda?
The integration of Tutsi refugees was thorough and comprehensive. Each person had an
opportunity to make the most out of life according to his/her ability. There were many
refugees who had good education and training. Among them was Mr. Avigimana who
later shortened his name to Avigima and taught at numerous Secondary schools in
Masaka area starting at Bikira Junior Secondary School. He later became Headmaster of
Kabwoko and Kyamulibwa Junior Secondary schools. Mr. and Mrs. Leo Magulu are
rural people who obtained land at Bikira village where they live up to now in total
harmony with the local Baganda.
There is a Tutsi I met in Boston, MA who had a good job with Uganda Coffee Marketing
Board. He purchased a profitable ranch in Mawogola. He is among those who invaded
Rwanda in 1990 together with his children and relatives. At the request of Fred
Rwigyema, his ranch was used as military training and supply base for RPF.
The Catholic Bishop of Kigezi, Rt. Rev. Barnabas Halem imana used his residence as a
safe haven for the officers of RPF during the invasion of Rwanda and also as a training
camp for RPF spies and torture agents. One of the people who trained at the Bishop s
residence informed me what she witnessed. She narrated about their evening discussions
with the Bishop and other RPF officials discussing the glory and destiny of Tutsis and
why they must struggle hard to regain power, not only in Rwanda but throughout East
and Central Africa because they were destined to be rulers. Hutus and other Bantu
people, according this doctrine, were created to be servants. The people of Kigezi were
angry at the Bishop when they found out his involvement with RPF. First, there were
clandestine letters from priests and lay people complaining to high Church officials in
Uganda and to the Vatican. That was followed by a popular revolt which drove him out
of the Diocese for his safety and sought refugee in Kampala from where he officially
requested the Pope to accept his resignation from the post of Bishop of Kabale. His
request was granted.
Obote s regime in the 1960s needed the Tutsis to carry out the bulk of his secret agency
work because of their callousness, adaptability and propensity to brutality with a straight
face. Obote recruited many of them into the infamous GENERAL SERVICE UNIT, a
spy and torture arm of his regime similar to the GESTAPO of Adolph Hitler. Tutsi girls
together with numerous Ugandan girls, who were selected for their loose morals or wickedness, were deployed in strategic places to spy on the public. Others were assigned
to foreign visitors and diplomats.
TUTSI CRIMES IN UGANDA
Uganda has had her share of political upheavals since independence. Human rights
violations in that country have received worldwide publicity until Museveni came to
power. There have been more heinous crimes during Museveni s rule than during Amin
and Obote combined and yet the self-appointed policemen of the world keep silent. Is
this an accident or intentional?
In the mid 1960s, Obote s regime established a spy and torture organization called
GENERAL SERVICE UNIT (GSU) headed by his cousin Akena Adoko and mostly
staffed with Tutsi men and women who could easily mingle with the Bantu tribesmen and
speak their languages. Their lack of loyalty to any tribe and a deeply rooted second nature
of brutality peculiar in them made the Tutsis the best choice to employ in that new
GESTAPO. Many Ugandans, particularly those belonging to the opposition Democratic
Party were tortured and/or imprisoned. Properties were looted. Many people were
unfairly fired from their jobs because GSU spies found them not to be UPC supporters.
Those acts of sabotage and brutality which Obote introduced in the Uganda body politic
caused his regime to be abhorred. By 1970, the country had come to a virtual standstill,
polarized by terror, insecurity and tribal hatred. During all that time, Tutsis in GSU were
camouflaging as Hima of Ankole others as Bakiga. Little did the world know that on
August 6 1962, a TUTSI DYNASTY PLAN was made to colonize the Central African
countries. 1
Idid Amin overthrew Obote on January 25, 1971 in a coup. Many Ugandans were
exuberant because they anticipated the end of GSU terrorists. Obote and his men fled to
Tananzia. Among the many that fled with him were GSU agents including Yoweri
Museveni. However, many other Tutsis did not leave the country but rather joined
Amin s new and notorious STATE RESEARCH BUREAU (SRB). It came to light
much later that many bizarre atrocities which took place during Amin s reign were
conducted done by SRB under directives from FRONASA without Amin s knowledge
and consent, according to well placed sources in Amin s regime.
There was a Tutsi man who lived at Bayitababiri on Entebbe-Kampala road. He went by
the Baganda name of Mukasa. He also claimed to be a Munyoro. He was an officer in
Amin s SRB and was implicated in numerous murders including that of Anglican
Archbishop Janan Luwum and Mr.Oboth Ofumbi. He sarcastically told some neighbors
about the death of Archbishop Luwum on February 17, 1977, less than an hour after the
crime had been committed and before anybody knew of it. He further bragged that he was
going to State House to report the matter to Idi Amin. Many Tutsis were active in State.Research Bureau. Many atrocities were carried out without Amin s knowledge, according
to one former Advisor to the dictator. Frank Kalimuzo was by a Tutsi SRB agent who is
presumed to have received orders from FRONASA. The same agent is also noted as
having been the driver who took Ben Kiwanuka from the High Court building to
Makindye Barracks where he was killed. The same former advisor to Amin identifies a
technical officer in SRB responsible for bombs, poison etc.. was a Frank Terpil who had
connections with the CIA.
During that era, many people especially prominent politicians, professionals and
businessmen were killed by SRB Agents. Among them were Ben Kiwanuka, Joseph
Mubiru, Frank Kalimuzo, Rev. Fr. Clement Kiggundu, and Rev. Fr. Clement Mukasa.
This era will always be remembered as the dark ages when Uganda was deprived of her
trained and experienced personnel. A well known lawyer and politician, Mr. Abubaker K.
Mayanja, was picked up by those killer squads. One of his wives immediately rushed to
the house of Umwami Kigyeri who was by then a refugee in Uganda. She tearfully
pleaded to Kigyeri for the life of her husband. In a telephone call, Kigyeri ordered the
immediate release of Mr. Mayanja. The question which one would ask is how would an
exile king of Tutsis have known who had taken Abubaker Mayanja and where he
currently was in order for him to make a phone call to secure his release? Amin s
personal friend, Aneil Clarke vanished without a trace. All the blame fell on Idi Amin,
but Mrs. Mayanja knew better where the real cobra was.
One of the Tutsi tactics was to infiltrate the regimes of Obote and Amin, creating havoc
by committing crimes against the people and they blame the government leaders for those
crimes. Such activities weakened the regimes creating an easy way for the Tutsis to
emerge later as liberators of the masses. Mr. Paul Kagame, as Director of Military
Intelligence, ran a notorious slaughter house where hundreds of Ugandans were tortured
and brutally killed. His headquarters was at Basiima House near Mengo. The death of
Andrew L. Kayiira on March 7, 1987 falls squarely on the hands of Paul Kagame and his
killer squad from Basiima House, according to informers who were in the intelligence
service at the time. A Ugandan Army officer registered number R00007, Paul
Kagame, must be Court Marshaled for the death and torture of many people in Uganda
and Rwanda.
David Tinyefunza was Commander of Eastern Region and slaughtered many people
during his stay in Eastern Uganda. The most pronounced incidence of his brutality was
the roasting of people in train wagons in Teso in 1987.
Bayingana, who was in charge of Prison medical services, was responsible for the killing
of many prisoners at Luzira between 1986 and 1990. Hundreds of people particularly
from Buganda and northern region were detained as squatters and many did not come
out alive. He was among the invaders of Rwanda under RPF banner. Bayingana was
responsible for injecting political prisoners with slow killing poison. Such prisoners
would be released and only to dies a few days or weeks later. Consequently they would
claim death as being due to natural causes. That poison was imported from Cuba and Rumania, according reliable sources. Among such victims were Lt. Namiti, Paulo
Muwanga, Col. Otto, Henry Bwambale, A. Bazira.
One of the greatest lies of the 20th century was that those Tutsis were refugees in
Uganda. They ceased to be refugees in the mid 1960s when the camps were closed and
UNHCR closed shop. Those people were integrated thoroughly into the Ugandan society.
Refugees do not hold ministerial posts in their host country like Rwigyema was. When
Paul Kagame traveled to USA for military training, he did not use a U.N. Refugee Pass,
but a genuine Ugandan passport. He is a genuine Uganda military officer with
registration number R00007. It has been recently revealed that Paul Kagame used to
visit his aunt in Butale during the Habyarimana s reign. He traveled as a Ugandan of
Rwandan extraction.
THE POST AMIN ERA AND MUSEVENI S CONTRIBUTION
FRONASA Group and mobilization of Tutsis in Uganda
THE 1980 ARMED STRUGGLE IN UGANDA AND INFILTRATION
Soon after the political turmoil its lowest level Obote s group stole the election,
Ugandans wedged an armed struggle and a civil broke up. At that time Yoweri Museveni
was co-chairman of the ruling Military Commission which in turn paved the way for
second return of Milton Obote into power. In 1981, Museveni and his Tutsi clique, which
was hatched in FRONASA and later merged into UPM, infiltrated the ongoing armed
struggle against Obote s forces. They joined the fighting with a hidden agenda of taking
over and killing off its original leadership. Indeed the Tutsi clique successfully carried
out their dual plan. Over the course of 5 years of fighting Obote s regime, the original
true Ugandan leaders were systematically killed. Among those they killed were, Robert
Sserumaga, Bazil Mumanya, George Nkwanga, Bernard Buzabo, Kiwanuka, Waswa,
Yusuf Lule, among others. One unique case of their killing strategy is the death of
Ahmed Sseguya a Muganda. Sseguya led the FRONASA military group that trained
Nachingwera in Tanzania. He was a staunch supporter of FRONASA, and a well trained
military commander. He stayed with the Tutsi/Hima group not knowing their secret
plans. Museveni ordered Muchunguzi, Julius Ayime and Mugume to kill Mr. Sseguya so
as not to allow a Muganda among their midst.
Museveni and his clique of Tutsi/Hima tribesmen established named itself THE
NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT/ARMY and monopolized the bush war
that ousted Obote in 1986. The following were its members:
High Command were: Yoweri Museveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David
Tinyefunza, Jim Muhwezi, Eri Tumwine, Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Mugisha
Muntu, Kiiza Besigye. Senior Officers were: Kahinda Otafire, Benon Tumukunde, P. Kutesa, Julius Ayine,
Mugume, Frank Guma, Stephen Kashaka, John Kyaakuta, Barihona, Rwandari,
Rweyibanda, Muchunguzu, Gasinzi, Amanya Mushega, Amama Mbabazi, Fenehams
Katirima, Mathew Rukikayire, Eriya Kategaya, Byemalo, Shef Ali, Kasigazi, Kihanda,
Sande Mukulu, Monday, James Kazini, Makanga Bogere, PeterKerimu Kazora,
Ruhakana Rugunda, Stephen Kwiringia, Kasula Kyomuhendo, Kashilingi Lubaramira,
David Ndyayondi, Fred Kagonyera,, Kyakabare, Samuel Kaka and many others.
As soon as they started fighting in Luwero triangle, their first strategy was to kill as many
civilians as they could and destroy their properties, and put the blame on Obote s
soldiers. They often bragged about this trick as one they learned when training with
FLERIMO of Mozambique.
THE GRAND PLAN TO CONTROL AND DOMINATE THE EAST
AND CENTRAL AFRICAN REGION.
In 1979, another development was taking place in Rwanda. A group of Rwandese
(mostly Tutsis) in Rwanda launched an opposition party named RWANDESE
ALLIANCE FOR NATIONAL UNITY (RANU) calling for national unity and the
return of exiled Rwandese. That party was forced to go underground and was maintained
by Rwandese exiles. In 1987, a year after Museveni took power; it changed its name to
RWANDESE PATRIOTIC FRONT (RPF). It enjoyed support from many Tutsis in
Museveni s regime who were at the same time camouflaging as Banyankole or Bakiga.
Tutsis occupied strategic and controlling positions in Museveni s regime, thus achieving
their primary objective: that of controlling Uganda and using it as a staging ground to
take over other countries. Fred Rwigyema (first leader of RPF) was Minister of Defense;
Paul Kagame was Director of Military Intelligence, and responsible for exterminating
Ugandans who could be real or imaginary opposition. He operated his death camp in
Basiima House at Mengo and at various other locations. Other Tutsis in the control of
Uganda was Pierre Kabatzi. Peter Bayingana was Chief of Medical Service for Uganda
Prisons. Chris Bunyenyezi was Administration Chief at Army Headquarters.
Soon after Museveni took over, he lured the Rwandan leader J. Habyarimana to accept
lifting travel document requirements for citizens of Uganda and Rwanda. A special bus
service between Kampala and Kigali was established by Tutsis in Museveni s
government. Its daily runs from Kampala, in most cases, went half full and always
returned full of people from Kigali. This activity went on till shortly before October 1,
1990, when the RPF commenced their invasion.
It later became evident that the bus passengers coming from Rwanda to Uganda were
recruits for military training for the eventual invasion of Rwanda in 1990. The recruits mostly came from Tutsi families. Others were from various parties opposed to J.
Habyarimana s regime. The destination was Kabamba Military Training Camp, others
were sent to a secret training camp at Karugutu in the Rwenzori Mountains. Its Chief
Commander was Mr. Biganja.
Among the many recruits brought in from Rwanda was a young lady I interviewed. She
was brought first for military training and then she underwent Intelligence Work training
at the residence of the Catholic Bishop of Kabale, The Right Rev. Barnabas
Halem imana. That lady informed me that many recruits had their initial training in spy
work and other related activities at the Bishop s residence. The instructions included RPF
plans and dogma which emphasize, among other things, that Tutsis, not Hutus, were
destined to be rulers of Rwanda but not Hutus. They also undertook training in spying
and torture techniques. After graduating from there, they were sent to another location on
the Uganda-Zaire border near Kasese to the home of a wealthy Tutsi trader. There, they
had additional training before deployment. That lady recalls many conversations in the
evenings with the Bishop as he sipped Scotch whisky, telling the young recruits that
Tutsis were created to be rulers. The RPF officers were free to use the Bishop s vehicles.
One morning, those guys returned from their night expedition in the Bishops pick-up
truck. It was stained with blood. The people of Kabale recognized the Bishop s vehicle
being driven by strange faces. The information became known among the people. Secret
letters of complaint to the higher authority in the Church were written by priests and laity
alike to no avail. The Catholic population of Kabale revolted forcing him to run for his
life to Kampala from where he requested the Pope to accept his resignation as Bishop of
Kabale Diocese, a request which was immediately granted. We have learned that
Museveni has rewarded him with the political post of Director of HIV/AID Prevention
Program. This organization is charged, among other things, with the duty of distributing
condoms. RPF and THE INVASION OF RWANDA (Oct. 1, 1990)
The decision to invade Rwanda was made soon after Tutsis were dethroned in 1959/60
and arrived in Uganda as refugees thereafter. From that time, they carried numerous
attempts to take over power by forces. At the same time they tried galvanizing public
opinion against the Hutu dominated regime, but yield limited results. The FRONASA
groups which was formed in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania was the one to come up with a
winning strategy when it took advantage of political anarchy, to which they significantly
contributed, in Uganda and thus opted to taking over that country and in turn use it as a
staging ground to invade Rwanda.
The actual preparation for the RPF invasion of Rwanda started in 1985 while NRM was
still fighting in Luwere before taking power in January 1986. The NRA High Comand
composed of Yoweri Myseveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Jim
Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Kiiza Besigye, Kahinda Otafire, formed a
committee which will organize the invasion of Rwanda soon after NRM/NRA takes over
Uganda. That committee included the following: Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza,
Mugisha Muntu, Jim Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Shef Ali,Matteka, Byensi, and Biganja. By the end of 1985, more than 3,000 Tutsi/Hima had completed their military training at
Mulima Barracks, a secret place in the Rwenzori Mountain.
After Museveni took over power, he invited President Habyarimana to be the guest of
honor at a military ceremony whereby ranks were awarded to senior NRA officers.
During that meeting, Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow three senior NRA military
officers to join the Rwandan Army but that request was rejected. The officers were Fred
Rigyema, Mugisha Muntu and Paul Kagame. Museveni furtherrequested Habyariman to
allow ordinary Tutsi soldiers from the NRA to join the Rwandan Army; that too was
turned down. Finally Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow ordinary Tutsi civilians to
return to Rwanda on a gradual basis. That was accepted on the basis that that those
returnees have no criminal record.
Towards the end of 1986, Museveni deployed into Rwanda the 3000 soldiers who were
trained in Mulima Barracks. They were disguised as civilians and each one was given
300,000 Uganda Shillings as a resettlement fund. This advance team was constantly
sending back information about the Rwandan Army and Government.
In 1987, Jim Muhwezi, Director of Internal Security Organization (ISO), appointed Mr.
Stehen Ndawula Ssennoga, a Kyambogo Technical College graduate in Communication,
to recruit former Kyambogo students into ISO. All recruits were sent to East Germany
and Cuba for training in how to operate sophisticated spy equipments. Mr. Kibuka was
the leader of those who went to East Germany and Mr. Kayemba led the team that went
to Cuba. The two groups returned after 6 months of training and with them were lots of
spy equipment which were stored at the ISO headquarters, Nakasero. Stephen Nadura, S.
Kweringira, David Kasula and Bosco Kiviri were in charge of those equipments. In
December of 1987, ISO bought twelve (12) mobile radios and IFA vehicles which carried
them. They also bought 20,000 walk talkies and bugging equipment from East Germany
plus 20,000 pistols, 6.71 mm. All those equipments were destined for Rwanda. In early
1987, a Bulemezi farmer who had been put in charge of NRA farms was ordered by Fred
Rwigyema to buy machetes, axes, hammers, hoes, spades, slashers and knives from Jinja
Steel Mills, Ssembule Investments and Uganda Bati Co. LTD with labels reading Made
in Rwanda . He was also ordered to hand all the purchase to Paul Kagame and Mugisha
Muntu. Byemalo and Kalyegyeya took charge of the delivery.
In 1987 Jim Muhwezi and Moses Kigongo started a clandestine program of recruiting
Tutsis and Hima from Bulemezi, Singo, Gomba, Butambala, Mawogola and other areas
of Buganda who were trained at ISO school near Entebbe. At the same time, Kahinda
Otafire, Kiiza Besigye, Amanya Mushega and Kale Kahihura were recruiting Tutsis and
Hima in Bushenyi, Ntungamu, Mbarara, Rukungiri and Kabale and training them at
Mirama Hills Detach Center where Mr. Fuluma was in charge of training.
In 1987, the NRA High Command gave two buses to a Mr. Samuel Black, a Kasese
businessman, to transport all the trainees from Milima Barracks of Rwenzori Mountain to
Kabale where they were received by Mr. Batuma to distribute them in different places inside Rwanda. Another Kasese businessman, Mr. Katoto, was given two buses by NRA
to transport trainees from Milama Hills into Rwanda with the help of Mr. Batuma.
Between 1987 and 1989, Moses Kigongo, Mathew Rukikaire, Kakwano and Kaka were
authorized by Uganda Government to transport people, weapons and all equipment which
were kept at ISO stores and at Basiima House from Uganda to Rwanda. Those
equipments were distributed to their men who were already stationed inside Rwanda.
Museveni took power in 1986. He placed Tutsi men in total control of the Ugandan
military which was going to be used as staging ground. They control numerous other
strategic and powerful positions in Uganda, so that neither political nor military
opposition could rise up against their sinister plans. On the military side, many of their
commanders received advanced military training abroad, particularly the USA and UK.
RPF collaborating with a cadre of Tutsis inside Rwanda scouted the countryside. They
took young Tutsi kids out of school and brought them to Kigali for the purpose of
agitating for jobs. Those kids were anywhere between 11 and 17 years old. They were
promised, according to eye witnesses, to return to their schools after RPF takes power.
Those young people terrorized Kigali in many ways demanding employment which the
Habyarimana Government could not offer. That gave the Tutsi political opposition more
ammunition against the Hutu leadership for having failed the economy.
THE CONQUEST OF UGANDA
The reign of Idi Amin exasperated a political decadency which started in the 1960s. It
exploded with the fall of Amin s regime. A country cannot experience stability and
progress when ruled by a minority regime. The Tutsi planners knew this very well and
indeed one could argue that their effort to contribute to the internal insecurity, political
murders, and polarization of the general population against the ruling groups of Obote
through GSU and Amin s State Research was towards this aim.
Some people have claimed that Museveni volunteered to fight for FRELIMO in
Mozambique and later underwent military training in North Viet Nam. While this could
make him look like a macho fighter, there is no concrete evidence to support that claim.
We know from first hand witness that President Nyerere was a strong supporter of
FRONASA and so permitted them to send their trainees to Nachingweya Military
Training Camp in southern Tanzania where FRELIMO trained their men. The team
which went there for training included:
Ahmed Sseguya (leader)
Sallim Sarey, Fred Rwigyema, Jim Muhwezi, Muchunguzi, Kihanda, Rwandali,
Keitongwa, Rweibanda, Muwanga Jackson, Yoweri Museveni, Kashaka Shaban.
Could this have been part of the Tutsi Dynasty Plan of 1962 to train their youth in
military tact for eventual take over of the Great Lakes Region?One of the strategies which NRA used extensively and effectively in Uganda s bush war
against Obote was to kill thousands of civilians at night and by daytime fabricate stories
that Obote s soldiers massacred innocent civilians. Such a trick caused the civilian
population and world community to turn their sympathy from Obote s government to the
rebel group. In 1983 a German Journalist, Mark Schumdt, went to the war zone in
Bulemezi to investigate what was going on as news of mass killings in the Luwero
triangle were spreading worldwide. Mr. Schumdt met with Museveni and his high
command who told him what they wanted him to hear. They then chose David
Tinyefunza and Jim Muhwezi to escort him to places where they had piled up dead
bodies of civilians whom NRA themselves had killed. The same killers blamed Obote s
soldiers for their crimes. When Mark saw those bodies, he became suspicious and asked:
Why would Obote s army collect dead bodies and not bury them knowing this could
implicate them for killing innocent people? He also asked them how they knew that dead
bodies are collected in that place since there was nobody in that area other than the NRA
soldiers. He insisted that he wanted to interview civilians in the area so as to get their
views about these killings. Museveni s officers did not like Mark s approach because he
had become suspicious that Obote s army may not have killed those civilians, but NRA
did the killing for the purpose of tarnishing Obote s image with the population and the
international community. Hence, they ordered that Mark Shumidt be sent back
immediately. While on his way back, they killed him and confiscated his camera and
notes.
In 1984, the NRA got a British reporter, William Pike, who is suspected of having more
connections than a telephone line and was also broke and had all the tendencies of a
mercenary journalist to NRM. NRM cut a deal with Mr. Pike to run their propaganda in
the world media. He was willing to do anything for money. He successfully used his
journalistic skill to fabricate favorable reports for the NRA, galvanizing tremendous
sympathy for Museveni and his men. Upon NRM/NRA victory, William Pike was
awarded the position of Managing Editor of NRM government newspaper, The New
Vision. That paper became the mouthpiece of NRM/NRA regime in a manner to what
PRAVDA was to the Soviet Union and Mr. Pike s fortune skyrocketed.
We see a parallel in later years when RPF invaded Rwanda, killing people by the
hundreds in the northern part of the country. Alison DeForge, Catherine Watson, Colette
Brackman and Roger Winters were the most notorious propagandists for RPF, fabricating
favorable stories and covering up RPF s crime. Alison DeForge in particular crisscrossed
the English speaking world spreading RPF s mendacious flatteries.
During the bush fighting to overthrow Obote, Tutsis including Museveni, used to
brainstorm their plan of taking control of Uganda first using it as a staging ground to take
over Rwanda and other neighboring countries. They used to claim that only Tutsis were
destined to rule and despised Hutus and other Bantu tribesmen as inferior objects whose
role in society was but to follow orders. This same sentiment was to be echoed later at
RPF training of their intelligent operatives in the Catholic Bishop s house in Kabale,
Kigezi some years later. Soon after Museveni took over power in 1986, he imposed on the people of Uganda the
nonsectarian law which forbids calling any person by his tribal affiliation. It was later
discovered that such law was intended to forbid Ugandans from complaining about the
excessive number of Tutsis in high positions of government. Fred Rwigyema was
Minister of Defense and the entire Command and control of that ministry was in the
hands of a Tutsi/Hima clique. Uganda Commercial Bank under a Hima Frank Mwine was
totally bankrupted; so were all the parastatal corporations. The funds which were
channeled through fictitious personal loans may have ended up in financing RPF
operations. The Uganda Treasury accumulated foreign loans supposedly for development
projects which are non-existent in Uganda.
Perez Kamwinanwire became Ambassador to the U.N. and later to Germany. Ezra
Surumana alias Suruma was Deputy Governor of the Bank of Uganda. Emmanuel
Ndungutse headed the Uganda Investment Authority an agency he mismanaged and
robbed thoroughly. With millions from the UIA, he went to Rwanda after the RPF
conquest and invested in a number of business ventures in addition to serving RPF
regime.
It is important to recall that the bulk (80% to 90%) of the fighting force which toppled
Obote s regime were Baganda. By the time of capturing Kampala and taking over the
reign of power, most Baganda fighters of officer material had been killed in mysterious
circumstances. Hence, the control of the NRA was in the hands of Museveni s Tutsi men.
He further purged the skewed number of Baganda in the military by dismissing hundreds
of them in order to create room for other tribesmen. While that move gave him temporary
political credit, the actual results were different. Instead, he recruited thousands of your
people from Ankole and Kigezi areas to the total exclusion of the entire northern region
plus other areas of the country.
MASS KILLINGS IN RWANDA
In an ethnic conflict such as is the case in Rwanda, truth is the first victim especially,
regarding the accused. We do not have to wait hundreds of years like Oedipus Rex to be
told the bitter truth.
Thousands of innocent people were killed in Rwanda since October 1, 1990 when RPF
invaded that country from Uganda. Between October 1, 1990 and April 1994, over
140,000 people were systematically killed by RPF/NRA in northern Rwanda, and over a
million people were displaced rendering them to excruciating suffering without help from
anywhere. That baleful killing of the innocent has continued up to today and also
extended into Congo when RPF/NRA assisted by US Commandos, invaded Zaire
slaughtering thousands of refugees in camps. The cabal went to great length to cover up
their crimes as has been demonstrated over the years. Their lies have fooled the entire
world community up to this very day, including the UNO. Nobles, intellectuals and
commoners alike have come to believe the fabrications generated purposely to give
legitimacy to a criminal gang dressed in the banality of evil so as to give them legitimacy,sympathy and acceptability, while covering up their heinous crimes against humanity
which superseded those of Pol Pot of Cambodia and Salvadore Ayende of Chile.
The evidence, based on revelations from NRA military and intelligence officers plus
interviews of peasant refugees which our organization has collected point to Tutsis. The
RPF, together with NRA and the United State are implicated very clearly as the
greatest criminals of the Rwanda genocide.
Because of the lies and cover-ups which have been thoroughly concocted and
orchestrated ever since the invasion started on October 1, 1990, the victims have been
made to look like the criminals. This criminal cabal has utilized tactics common to
typical compulsive liars. The former UN Secretary General, Butros Butros Ghali, has
often lamented over the fact that on many occasion he wanted to convene the Security
Council to look into the Rwanda Crisis as it was unfolding in order to protect the lives of
innocent civilians. Each time his efforts were thwarted by the USA and UK for reasons
only known to their leaders. The USA went as far as training, arming, financing, and
manipulating the international media in order to make the cabal s criminal agenda prevail
and succeed.
One does not have to graduate from a Military Academy to know that in war, the victor
wins if it kills more of the enemy. If RPF and NRA defeated the Rwandese army, it goes
without saying who killed more of whom. Regarding the theory of winning a war,
General Patton said that, Let the other son of a bitch die for his country ? How can
then any person be fooled to believe that the defeated Hutus killed that many Tutsis and
stilllost the war? The campaign to demonize all Hutus as genociders an accusation
which was never applied to Germans after WW II has been effectively applied to Hutus
and has demonized the entire ethnic group, including those who lived abroad during those
years. This kind of blanket accusation which is intended to protect the true criminals in
this horrendous crime of invasion and mass murders and ethnic cleansing, which Tutsis
are committing in Rwanda up to now, paints a an unbelievable picture of Hutus as being
sophisticated in the art of war and so highly organized that they had the capability of
amassing their enemies and slaughtering them in a matter of days. Not even a fool could
believe that. It is sad to admit that that Hitler and Goebbels ingenuity in twisting facts and
truth have made believers among today s world s greatest democracies.
Secondly, we look at the population of Rwanda which was about 7 million people at that
time. Tutsis were about 10% about 700,000 people. Is the cabal s propaganda machine
trying to convince us that all Tutsis in Rwanda were mobilized to be in accessible
locations so that murderous thugs could butcher them in a matter of days? Depicting
Hutus as a collection of murderous thugs, when in fact they are the victims, and yet the
German population was not so depicted after WWII is not only a skillful cover up of the
truth but also an abomination of human reasoning. The Tutsis were always a minority in
Rwanda. During the Hutu rule of Kayibanda and Habyarimana, there were many Tutsi
attempts to invade and take power by force. There was no single time when Hutus
ordered their army of civilians to butcher Tutsis. Yet in neighboring Burundi where Tutsi
minority control the country, since 1960, there have been numerous pogroms of Hutus by ruling Tutsis which have claimed thousands of innocent Hutus. The UN has done nothing
to bring the killers in Burundi to justice. Why?
Now that we know what NRA did in Uganda during the war that ousted Obote s regime
and brought Museveni to power. The same tricks were repeated in Rwanda when the
same group NRA/RPF invaded Rwanda and overthrew Habyarimana s government and
established a Tutsi dominated junta. Former NRA intelligence officers reveal that in
January of 1994, NRA deployed 950 soldiers from Uganda to Kigali in civilian clothes to
take up positions in preparation for the planned mass killings that were to take place soon
after the Rwandese President was killed by NRA/RPF in collaboration with Belgian
troops, both of which had full control of the airport. They later sent another force of 5000
soldiers in other localities in the country to carry out the same job on a simultaneous
basis. We have also learned that machetes, pangas, axes plus mobile radio transmitting
units were brought in from Uganda to be used in the mass murders of civilians who
happened to be Hutus, not Tutsis as the cabal wants us to believe. Those tools were
returned to Uganda as soon as the job was finished. Could this have been a nasty way of
paying back the Hutus for their 1959/60 overthrow of the Tutsi monarchy when no guns
were used?
The same tactic has been effectively applied in northern Uganda where for nearly 20
years, NRA original goal of wiping out the Nilotic tribes are conducted with impunity. It
is inconceivable that the Lords Resistance Army or Lakwena, who do not exceed two
thousands, can prevail over NRA for all these years when operating inside Uganda which
is under Museveni s full controls. NRA successfully invaded Rwanda and Zaire and also
gave the Sudanese army a hard time but cannot clean up an area as narrow as Acholi?
According to local people in northern Uganda s and also people inside NRA, There are
reports which have been suppressed by the western media to the effect that the so called
crimes of mutilating people in Acholi, abducting children etc.. are all the works of NRA
in order to justify their ethnic cleansing in northern Uganda.
The Tutsi controlled radio MUHABURA was spreading ethnic hatred of Hutus and
never received criticism from either the USA or the UK. The Voice of America also set
up a special Kinyarwanda Broadcast reporting the Tutsi side of the Rwanda crisis. The
game of demonizing Hutus as mass killers was orchestrated at maximum speed by the
western media, utilizing reporters and human rights watchers who were censored by USA
or UK and had to go through Uganda to reach Rwanda. Roger Winters of the U.S.
Committee for Refugees, plus another hired gun, William Pike, played a key role that
made those two white men look like twin sons of Joseph Goebbels. We learned later that
RPF/NRA had portable radio transmitters which broadcast their messages over the same
channels of Hutu radio and spread murderous messages as part of the wider scheme to
demonize Hutus. For outside listeners, all that sounded as the work of a highly organized
Hutu killing machine. Yet indeed, the Hutus as a people were in total disarray and
confusion at that moment in time. This assertion does not deny a fact that Hutus killed
Tutsis. However, the organized killing of thousands of innocent civilians was the work of
Kagame and Museveni. The greatest majority of the victims were Hutus but not Tutsis as
the cabal propagandists want us to believe. The USA had already supplied RPF with radio jamming technology to block Hutu broadcasts to the masses. This was confirmed
by a State Department person at a meeting of The Rwanda Forum that I attended in
Washington DC in 1993.
If in fact the death toll was anywhere between 500,000 and a 1,000,000 people, and most
of that killing took place in and around the city of Kigali, it absolutely impossible to have
had that many Tutsis in the area. I personally visited Kigali and Ruhengyeri twice in
March and August of 1993. I drove thorough the markets, hospitals, public car parks and
around town. I could hardly count ten (10) Tutsis among those crowds much as Tutsis
are very conspicuous when among Hutus. The Hutus who reacted and indeed did kill
some Tutsis could have responded to the misleading radio massages given out by the RPF
killing machine which I have outlined above. Others may have reacted in anger in a
manner no different from that of Black Americans after the killing of Dr. Martin Luther
King Jr. in 1968 or the barbaric treatment of Mr. Rodney King on April 29, 1992 in Los
Angeles. We cannot blame the US government for both of those riots since they were
natural reaction to a provocative tragedy. Besides, what would anyone expect people to
react like when they are slaughtered by invaders and their government leaders have been
killed by the enemy who is clearly known?
As soon as RPF came into power, they exhumed the skeletons of their victims from
where they had hidden them. They collected the skeletons and paraded them all over
Kigali and on roadsides throughout Rwanda to impress outside investigators so as to
justify their criminal invasion of a Free State and murdering her citizens.
Foreign journalists, human rights investigators and foreign policy makers who went to
Rwanda during the fighting and after RPF took over, had to go through Uganda from
where they were escorted by NRA or RPF agents. They were managed thoroughly as to
which places they can visit, whom to interview etc. In some of those interviews that were
broadcast abroad, the local people who were interviewed could speak English with a
Ugandan accent while others could be overheard speaking broken Swahili. We already
know that Tutsis from Uganda, Congo, USA, Tanzania, Belgium and elsewhere flocked
back to Rwanda after RPF conquered the Hutu army. They took over homes, farms and
other properties that belonged to Hutus who were either killed or fled into exile. There
are cases where Hutu families who returned home to find their family home occupied by
Tutsis were permitted to build grass shanty nearby instead of reclaiming their original
nice houses which they had built with their own labor. Their only role in life is to be
slaves of the Tutsis.
No one has ever questioned what could have motivated an entire population to run off
from their land into exile, as was the case in Rwanda during those dark days. The cabal s
propaganda has blindfolded to believe what is unbelievable. Only fire at each one s rare
end can force a people to flee for their lives in such huge numbers. I find it very difficult
to believe that all those skulls are what they claim to be. After all, no one can tell the
difference between the skull of a Tutsi and that of a Hutu or a Chinese or German for that
matter. This trick of fabricating facts to favor NRA in Uganda was done to the maximum
and served Museveni very well to convince the world that the Luwero Triangle skeletons he paraded were victims of Obote s soldiers while in actual fact it was NRA who killed
the citizens of that area and put the blame on Obote s government. The same people who
did that in Luwero repeated it in Rwanda and, unfortunately, it worked for them both
times.
The cabal fabricated and carried out a well managed media campaign to demonize Hutu
people as murderers while covering up the crimes of the real murderers. The crimes of
NRA and RPF, first of invading another country have been swept under the rug for all
these years. Yet, when Iraq invaded Kuwait a few years ago, the USA and Britain
mobilized other nations to drive the invaders out of Kuwait. RPF/NRA crimes of
murdering thousands of innocent civilians and displacing nearly a million people from
the day of invasion in 1990 to April of 1994 have been ignored tactfully.
Contrary to public lies which have been spread all over the world that Hutus massacred
nearly a million Tutsis right after the RPF killed President Habyarimana we have
information from people who were inside Museveni s military/security system bringing
new revelations that the so called genocide was planned by the Museveni/Kagame group
to justify their attack on Kigali and win sympathy for their monolithic Tutsi regime, and
also enable them to mobilize foreign aid without anyone questioning their barbaric
brutality and gross human rights violations.
Kagame and Museveni knew and planned the mass killings of innocent people who were
to be predominantly Hutus, right after the President s plane was shot down by RPF.
Kagame is quoted as saying that about 500,000 people will be slaughtered during that
period of confusion. Hose people who did not know that Kagame was behind the planned
genocide have accused him of being callous because he did not take steps to protect those
many innocent lives, but rather was merely interested in taking power. We can now
understand why he was not concerned about the loss of innocent lives if, in fact, he was
responsible for their death. Second, the people who got killed were predominantly Hutu
civilians as he had done in Northern Rwanda since October of 1990 and especially in
Byumba and Ruhengeri in February of 1993. However, this time around Kagame had
already set in motion media propaganda to claim that the people hacked to death were
Tutsis and their killers were Hutu thugs.
In March of 1994 a team of Tutsi/Hima soldiers from NRA were sent into Rwanda in
civilian clothing. They went into Kigali proper. Their mission was to carry out mass
killings of civilians in Kigali and the surrounding areas. Another group of 5000 soldiers,
all in civilian clothes, were subsequently sent into other populated areas of Rwanda to
carry out the same mission of mass killings soon after President Habyarimana has been
killed. Kagame armed all those men with machetes and pangas delivered to them directly
from Uganda, their supply headquarters. In addition to those tools, they had portable
radios and broadcasting units which transposed their messages onto the regular radio
channels of Rwanda. The message was for Hutus to kill Tutsis who had killed the
president. To any outsider monitoring those radio broadcasts, the killers were obviously
assumed to be Hutus while in actual fact it was Tutsis and Himas from Uganda who were
carrying out the killings so as to tarnish the image of Hutus in the world community. Soon after the killings had been done, all the equipments (radios, pangas and machetes)
were returned to Uganda, lest they be noticed by investigators for they were all brand
new and had markings identifying them as coming from Uganda.
For any person to claim that between 800,000 and 1,000,000 Tutsis were slaughtered
begs the question. Most of that killing was in the city of Kigali. What was the population
of Kigali and how many of those were Tutsis. Interviews with refugees tell stories of
many Hutus who lost their family members, and those were not necessarily opposition
party members.
Another area of concern for any person who wants to obtain the hidden truth would be to
ask RPF leaders what may have caused a whole population of people to run away as the
Rwandese did into exile. There must have been a thorough and well organized attack on
the entire population to cause them gets into flight. The only force which could possibly
do that was RPF invaders. In September of 1992, I received information from sources in
the Uganda military stating that Tutsis were planning to bulldoze Hututs off the land and
replace them with Tutsis. I shared that information with some people, but they responded
with laughter and scorn saying that it was impossible to bulldoze an entire population
from their land, especially since the targeted population was the majority. The RPF
crimes against the population have tactfully been swept under the rug for all these years.
In January of 1990 a team of 150 mostly Tutsi men from the NRA and ISO were sent to
Rwanda to survey (in military terms WRECK the situation prior to the proposed
invasion which took place on October 1 of the same year.
The RPF is committing atrocities of genocide in Rwanda from the day they invaded that
country October 1, 1990 up to the present which have been ignored by the biased western
media for reasons only known to themselves. The U.S. government, Britain and Belgium
are equally as guilty in the crimes of genocide in Rwanda. The participation of USA in
the RPF crimes deserve its leaders to be tried before a Court of Justice if there is any in
this world.
SKULLS OF HUTUS KILLED BY RPF:
The RPF massacre of innocent people in northern Rwanda in February of 1993 claimed
over 25,000 civilian lives and displaced more than 100,000 people from their home area.
At one location near Byumba, in a football stadium built by Mr. Kabuga, RPF massacred
about 2000 people, cutting off their heads which they then buried in pits. After the
conquest of Rwanda, the RPF junta dug out all the sculls of their own victims and
paraded them in Kigali and everywhere as skulls of Tutsis who were killed by Hutus.
Such calculated and blatant lies horrified the local people who witnessed those crimes
being committed and also witnessed the actual unearthing of the skulls and skeletons for
display in Kigali and on roadsides for the world to further condemn the Hutus en masse.
CORPSES IN THE RIVER KAGERA AND LAKE VICTORIA:
RPF has become a master of deception and lies which have gone on unabated for years.
One should look at the way RPF entered Rwanda in two columns. One column followed
eastern route along the Rwanda Tanzania border. That area was already under RPF
control. It is through that swampy area that River Kagera passes and has a bridge that
crosses into Tanzania. During that time many Hutu civilians fled their homes and country
as RPF invaders were on a wild rampage of killing any person in sight. Those who
attempted to enter Tanzania via the only crossing there is met RPF invaders waiting for
them at the bridge. Thousands of Hutus were thrown into the raging river by RPF men.
Others drowned in the attempt to cross the river away from the bridge where certain
death awaited them. It is important to emphasize that all those corpses which floated into
the river and eventually reached Lake Victoria were of Hutus and their killers were RPF.
The Tutsi propaganda twisted the facts claiming those floating corpses as being of Tutsis
killed by Hutu extremists. The world community and you here in this Tribunal have
swallowed those fabrications up to this very day.
How could intelligent people in the UN and western governments be so myopic and not
ask a simple question: if Hutu rioters in Kigali were killing any people I am not
denying the killings which took place mainly in Kigali did they have any reason or
means to transport their victims as far away as to dump those bodies in the river where
there were columns of invading RPF on the move towards the capital?
Now we know who was killing and who were being killed. It is obvious that the people
who were being killed were the ones on the run for their lives. That is why the world
witnessed in horror a tremendous exodus of Hutus fleeing to Congo, Burundi and
Tanzania but not to Uganda where the killers were coming from.
THE U.S. ROLE IN RPF/NRA CRIMES IN RWANDA AND
CONGO
If this Tribunal and/or any other Court of Law is seriously committed to seeking the truth
and justice, the crimes committed in Rwanda starting on October 1, 1990, and indeed in
the region must be fully and thoroughly investigated and their perpetrators brought to
justice. The U.N. and O.A.U. Charters both declare it illegal for one country to invade
another, except under specific circumstances. None of those specific circumstances ever
existed as far as Uganda-Rwanda relations were concerned. There were no Tutsi refugee
camps in Uganda, as defined by the UNHCR, since all Tutsi former refugees had been
settled and intermingled in the Ugandan society. Some Tutsis were already holding high
government positions in their newly adopted country. Therefore, President Museveni
bears full responsibility for allowing his army to invade a sovereign nation without
provocation. When Iraq invaded Kuwait, the world community rightfully amassed troops
to repel the invaders. Unfortunately, that was not the case for Rwanda. Instead, the cocalled
defenders of peace and democracy (USA and UK) were sending more than a
bravo message to the invaders of Rwanda.
There was no time when United States and Britain ever condemned Uganda for invading
Rwanda or Congo/Zaire. Instead, each subsequent year, the United State in particular increased her military training of the so called Ugandan officers, who ended up beefing
up the troops that were involved in the invasion. The invaders continued to milk Uganda
of her meager resources, equipment, funds and manpower for the duration of the
invasion. World Bank and IMF loans to Uganda skyrocketed purportedly for
development projects which never existed. All that money went into financing the
invasion of Rwanda. War is expensive in every aspect and not many countries, specially
in Africa, can afford such costly undertaking.
It is now coming to light that the then UN Secretary General tried on many occasions to
convene the Security Council on Rwanda during the invasion, but was repeatedly blocked
by the United States and British Ambassadors to the UN.
The United States played a significant role in the Rwanda tragedy and therefore should
not and cannot be overlooked if justice is to be sought in all earnest. The triad of
murderers is none other than: RPF leaders and Museveni s government and the USA.
The American plan to control Africa s resources is well documented. When Africa was
getting out from under European colonialism, America was plotting how to take over.
Various strategy planning meetings took place in Washington DC. At a meeting of the
U.S. National Security Council of January 14, 1960, it was discussed, ..since we must
have strong men of Africa on our side, perhaps we should develop military strong men. A
special Africa Fund for Technical Assistance was set up to finance those who were
anxious to establish control of Africa through military dictatorships.. 2
A new program was introduced in the 1970s solely for training African military officers
in America called IMET (International Military Educational Training). This training was
designed to be similar to the infamous School of the Americas. The main purpose was to
groom African military dictators similar to what the School of the Americas achieved in
Latin America.
At the core of this is as Zbigniew Braezinski noted in a secret memo to the President on
March 17, 1978, The mineral resources of the area continue to be of great value to the
normal functioning of industries in the United States and allied countries. He goes on to
express serious concerns over the growth of African nationalism and its potential effect
on American interests, particularly the country of Zaire, to which he cautioned that the
administration would have to take specific steps to stabilize the situation .
Specific steps take on different forms of operation since the Washington planners already
outlined the strategies when they agreed that, Sensitive operations would be disguised
as multilateral programs or even private activities, and eventually the most
objectionable of these actions would come to be conducted in such a secretive way as to
conceal the fact that they even existed at all. The insatiable greed of U.S. corporations to control and loot Africa s enormous natural
resources is very much at the core of this tragedy as the unfolding events have
subsequently proved. Prior to the fall of President Mobutu, American corporations were
already inside rebel-controlled eastern Zaire devouring large tracts of mineral-rich areas.
Neither the survival nor the welfare of the African people were or are ever considered.
US Training RPF of Officers. It has been expounded time and time again that
United States was involved in training RPF invaders long before 1990. A colleague and I
went to the Pentagon and met with Major Tony Marley who was in charge of the IMET
training for RPF/NRA. We informed him of what was taking place in Rwanda and he
promised to relate the matter to the appropriate officials. We learned later that the
training increased in size since our visit and more money was allocated to Uganda,
presumably to finance the invasion.
Lies and Cover-ups. In early March of 1994 a team from the U.S. Administration
went to Uganda and met with Museveni and RPF leaders. According to intelligence
sources, their mission was to tell Museveni to convince President Mwinyi of Tanzania to
convene a conference of Heads of States from the region to discuss the Rwanda crisis.
That resulted into the fateful Summit conference which President Habyarimana attended
and met his death upon his return to Rwanda. That team comprised of Ms. Prudence
Bushnell, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Africa; Ms. Arlene Render, Director of
Central African Affairs Bureau at State Department; Ms. Patricia Irvin, Assistant
Secretary of Defense for Humanitarian Affairs. They also visited Rwanda, Burundi and
Zaire.
The meeting of regional leaders took place in Dar es Salaam as planned and President
Habyarimana attended as expected. His plane was shot down RPF in collaboration with
Belgian troops as it was about to land at Kigali Airport returning from that meeting. We
learned later that General I. Kombe, head of Tanzanian Intelligence who was privy to the
fateful events surrounding the shooting of the airplane carrying Rwandan and Burundian
Presidents told his subordinate officers that these orders came from high up and we have
only on thing to do and that is of carrying out the technical work. One of the junior
officers expressed a feeling that this could ignite a fire in the region which we cannot
extinguish. President Moi and Mobutu were invited but declined to attend after
receiving tip of a pending danger. Nevertheless, US war ships with hundreds of Marines
were already on standby near Matadi, Zaire and near Mombasa, Kenya, just in case there
could have been a fire the local puppets could not extinguish.4
In June of 1994, a reporter asked Ms. Bushnell if the State Department knew about the
RPF invaders, where they were trained, who financed and armed them? Her answer was,
we do not have that information. The same person who had met with RPF leaders and
Prsident Museveni only 3 months earlier was denying knowledge of RPF. AS a high
ranking official in the State Depart Africa Bureau, Ms. Bushnell was privy to the
information that her government was heavily involved in the training of RPF and was arming them from their stockpiles in Europe. U.S. military C130 transport planes used to
make daily landings at Entebbe Airport every night.
After RPF took power in Kigali, a U.S. Commando force of bout 800 men were secretly
stationed in Rwanda, where they have jointly participated with RP soldiers I military and
criminal activities. According to one U.S. soldier from Texas who was stationed in
Rwanda, we are not supposed to let our families know that we were sent to Rwanda .
Another soldier who served there and now lives in Connecticut said, human rights and
democracy are none of our concerns. We are concerned with making sure that Kagame s
regime is well planted and can survive.
A former U.S. A.I.D. official, Mr. Harald Marwitz writes as early as 1989, U.S.
Embassy reported to the State Department from reliable sources in Rwanda such as
foreign military observers, confirming Ugandan involvement in incipient border
skirmishes and the subsequent invasion of Rwanda. He further reveals that, between
1989 and 1992, the U.S. alone provided almost $183 million in economic aid enabling
Uganda to finance the invasion. This sum was as much as all the U.S. aid to Uganda in
the previous 27 years.
Asst. Secretary of State for Africa, George Moose, informed the Africa Subcommittee of
the U.S. House of Representatives on May 4, 1994 that, in conformity with our policy of
promoting democratization, we shall never recognize a government which takes power by
force. A few weeks later, the same Mr. Moose was in Kigali raising the U.S. flag onto a
building that was to house the U.S. Embassy in Rwanda. Ms. Bushnell was promoted to
Ambassadorship to Kenya.
The old Entebbe Airport became an American military base. Locals who lived in nearby
homes were driven out and replaced by either U.S. military personnel or NRA officers.
Was this intended to cover up the trafficking of weapons which USA military was giving
to Museveni and RPF which were used in the invasion of Rwanda and Congo/Zaire?
The U.S. participation in the RPF invasion of Rwanda reached the highest officers of
government. In a Memo of May 5, 1994 written by Frank G. Wisner titled:
MEMORANDUM FOR DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR
NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIARS, NSC
Subject: RWANDA, JAMMING CIVILIAN RADIO BROADCASTS.
It explained a discussion that took place between NSC and Secretary of Defense, William
Perry about the feasibility of jamming civilian radios of Hutus.
The Pentagon has been heavily behind RPF as shown in numerous correspondences
between Secretary of Defense, William Perry, to Paul Kagame. On August 7, 1995
Defense Secretary Perry wrote:
I am pleased with the progress you have made and I am especially happy that the U.S.
has been able to play a role in that reconstruction. When we met in August and again
when you visited me last December, I said that I would do what I can to help. You asked me to assist you win support within my government for lifting the arms embargo I have
done so.
I said that I understand and strongly support your request for training to help
professionalize and downsize your country s army. Our training of your soldiers at
Newport and soon in Kigali regarding the role of militaries in civil societies is an
important first step.
I fully agree with Ambassador David Rawson s request for training in such areas as
intelligence, counterinsurgency, leadership development, logistic, management and
administration. I intend to advocate initiating such training as soon as possible. The next
logical step to this training would be a series of combined exercises and I will pursue that
with General Joulwan at the appropriate time.
On November 6, 1995 Mr. Perry sent another letter to Mr. Kagame saying:
Over the past several months, we have worked very hard with our colleagues both in the
Executive Branch and in Congress on the resumption of a formal IMET program this
coming year. I am confident that Rwandese officers and soldiers will enjoy the fruits of
formal training alongside American soldiers at U.S. military schools next year. We have
also arranged for our European Command to offer you a Joint Combined Exercise for
Training (JCET) for next year in Rwanda.
It is important to remember that this military preparation and support preceded Rwanda
and Uganda s invasion of Zaire. When RPF victory was consolidated and US commando
forces were sent to assist the Tutsi junta, some, U.S. leaders were calling for the virtual
extermination of Hutus. Congressman Harry Johnston, D-Fla who was Chairman of the
Africa Subcommittee commented on the Hutu refugees in Congo as follows:
Stop feeding them, move your feeding facilities back within the borders, try to get the
Rwandan and Tanzania armies to insert discipline, a security force that will personally
escort the refugees across the border back to the feeding station.
Many Hutus who were lured back into Rwanda from the Goma as a result of radios
announcements and pamphlets distributed in refugee camps were slaughtered by RPF
soldiers soon after they entered the country. Others who made it to their original homes
found their houses occupied by Tutsis and were forced to be slaves or servants of the new
owners. At Kibeho in southern Rwanda, many returning refugees were slaughtered by
RPF under the command of James Ruzibiza, who later went to Congo with Kabila and
headed Agence Nationale de Renseignement, a killer squad that massacred thousands of
Hutu in refugee camps in Eastern Congo burying them in mass graves.
Such mass killing of civilians continued during the period of invasion while the world
community, and especially Uganda, USA and Britain were amassing more support,
training, arms, funds and favorable propaganda and disinformation campaign for RPF.
The U.S. Committee for Refugees Inc. (a misnomer name) based in Washington DC run by Roger Winters, became a virtual command post for RPF external operations. It
was the center of external operations conducting logistical management, disinformation
propaganda and all sorts of political intelligence activities for RPF with almost unlimited
funds from dubious sources in the USA. Professional liars, such as Ms. Alison DeForge
were constantly paraded by this agency of deception. Another person with excellent
connections was Catherine Watson who wrote beatifying articles for RPF. The RPF
propaganda arsenal included Ms. Monique Mujawamariwa, who was seconded to Roger
Winters by RPF high command. She was launched on speaking tours by Roger Winters
which culminated into an audience in the White House on April 22, 1994 with Mr.
Anthony Lake, National Security Advisor to the President. She used to show a scar in her
face which she got some years back as a result of a car accident. She claimed that is was
caused by a machete attack by Hutu killers, which she survived!
CREMATORIUMS IN RWANDA. In April of 1996, a British investigative journalist
and author of Murders in the Mist , Nick Gordon, revealed that the RPF regime of Paul
Kagame was operating petroleum-fueled crematoriums at several locations in Rwanda.
The victims were Hutu men women and children. This revelation was later confirmed by
a highly placed official in Kigali, when I asked him during his visit to USA late that year.
Unfortunately that person was later killed by RPF because he was a high ranking official
in the Judiciary. They were incinerating over 2000 bodies a day. The U.S. military which
is stationed nearby knew of it but has kept silent. What is even more frightening is the
revelation that the crematorium at Nyungwe forest is run by a garrison who were trained
by U.S. military officers. It is further alleged that the crematorium at Byumba, which is
disguised as a Water Supply and Rehabilitation of Refugees Project was built by
Americans as was the one at Gabiro. In an interview with a former prisoner who escaped
from Kami military prison said that soon after he escaped, he hid in the homes of local
people nearby who told him of a horrible stench which smells like burning flesh was in
the air daily.5
Consequently, the Clinton Administration proposed to set up a so called RAPID
DEPLOYMENT FORCE (RDP), a roving army of foot soldiers from various African
countries which shall be trained, armed and commanded by Americans. This force was
intended to remove undemocratic dictators and those brutes who violet human rights.
Who would decide which dictator to be removed and under which criteria could such
determination be based? Nonetheless, this is similar to what Amin Parsha and Capt.
Lugard had at the time of colonizing Africa.
While the RDF did not receive wide acceptability as was anticipated, the Tutsi Armies of
Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi, which derive their survival from America s support, are
playing the same role as RDF was intended for. They were deployed into Congo to serve
American interests. They were sent to Iraq when most nations of the world felt there was
no justification for war. Recently Rwandan troops were sent to the troubled region of the
Sudan purporting to be peace-keepers. A human rights investigator from Canada
informed me that Rwandese troops posing as peace-keepers in Darfur region raid refugee
camps in the night killing people and put the blame on the Sudanese army.The U.S. sent a Commando Force of about 800 soldiers to assist RPF army to consolidate
and pacify Rwanda. We also learned that U.S. soldiers stationed in Rwanda are not
supposed to inform their families where they are stationed. The ones who have died in
action in Rwanda and Congo are reported as having died accidentally in military
exercises at U.S. bases in Italy or other countries.
The American corporate/military role in the criminal cabal operating in Africa has
performed a marriage of convenience with the Tutsi junto. Each side is vehemently
protecting the other, manipulating the media and international organizations, including
the UN. They distort facts and truth to cover up their criminal actions, and also carry out
joint adventures, as we have mentioned above.
Case in point is the U.S.A. putting a $25 million bounty on the head of Mr. Felicien
Kabuga, using American taxi payers money for no legitimate reason other than serving
Kagame s criminal interests, and possibly American interest, to loot Kabuga s property in
Kigali. Mr Kabuga owns a nice 5 story office building in Kigali which houses the U.S.
Embassy, and the UN offices and other international organizations. It is indicated that
U.S. Embassy wants to own the entire building and has no intention of paying rent to a
Hutu who is disliked by a Tutsi regime which they came to protect at any cost. They
falsely accused Kabuga of financing Hutu resistance and exile political opposition to RPF
regime.
At the same time, the U.S.A. has Mr. Valens Kajeguhakwa in a Florida prison on charges
ofoffinancing a rebel group called RPF with funds from his former commercial activities
and recently from a commercial bank he controlled in Kigali. Interestingly, Mr.
Kajeguhakwa is a rich Tutsi who was a close friend of President J. Habyarimana. Mr.
Kajeguhakwa s business interests included a major import of fuel into Rwanda
competing with BP-FINA. He controlled one of the Commercial Bank which in turn
invested heavily in Kigali real estate. Hence many posh homes in Kigali were financed
by this man s bank, most of which have not been paid for but their original owners.
Those owners are either dead or in exile causing a reversion of the titles to the bank
which held the mortgages. Mr. Kajeguhakwa also used his friendship with President
Habyarimana to feed RPF invaders with valuable information on the Kigali regime. Upon
RPF victory in 1994, many of those Tutsis took those nice homes without paying for
them. The owner tried to claim his lawful dues but to no avail. One of those houses was
taken by Mr. Kagame s mother. That man fled Rwanda because he insisted on
demanding his lawful financial dues from Kigali rulers whom he accuses of embezzling
his properties. In turn the USA has silenced by fraudulently charging him with stealing
money from a commercial bank in Kigali and financing a criminal organization called
RPF .
If indeed the US court in Fla. believes that financing RPF was criminal, then American
officials themselves plus Museveni of Uganda for their extensive support of RPF
criminal organization which includes its financing. Their contribution to the crime includes training, arming, supporting in every away including sending their own soldiers
to assist in carrying out criminal acts jointly with RPF.CONCLUSION
I commend the UN for establishing this Tribunal for the purpose of seeking the truth and
rendering justice in the Rwanda tragedy. In a country like Rwanda which has been torn
apart by ethnic violence, any attempt to find a lasting solution cannot serve its purpose
without revealing the total truth.
In pursuit of this noble mission, it is not only fair to the people of Rwanda but also to the
whole world community and Africa in particular, to admit that the first crime committed
against the country of Rwanda and her people was the RPF invasion which started on
October 1, 1990. The people who carried out that invasion plus Ugandan leaders who
sponsored it and the United States who collaborated substantially in this criminal act
must answer for their actions. The world community and UN in particular should have
responded to this invasion in the same manner and style as it did when Iraq invaded
Kuwait if it is going to live up to its name and mission in the world community.
Otherwise the UN is like what I read in that old book Animal Farm : all comrades are
equal but some are more equal.
Thousands of innocent civilians were slaughtered by RPF invaders, particularly in
Northern Rwanda, between October 1990 and April 1994. The killers cannot and should
not be bypassed from facing justice.
We have seen highly fabricated and orchestrated piles of lies concocted by men and
women in high positions of leadership with a chorus of field operatives whose sole
objective to sodomize truth, protect the criminals and demonize the victims.
The true criminals who should be tried here are the members of the criminal cabal,
namely: Museveni and his NRM government, Kagame and his RPF junta, the United
States Government under President Bill Clinton and his vanguard which includes
William Perry, Mardelene Albright, former Congressman Harry Johnston, Roger
Winters, Alison DeForge who was their Senior Propagandist.
________________________________________
Mr. Remigius Kintu
P.O. Box 8174
Langley Park, MD 20787
USA
Email: Bikira10@hotmail.com
5 UDC Newslletter, November 1997.
4 WHO ARE BEHIND THE RWANDA CRISIS, UDC News Release, April 12,1994 . 3
2 Elizabeth Liagen, Excessive Force, Power, Politics and Population Control, (Washington DC, 1996) 12-
13
3 Ibid 17
1 UDC Newsletter, Vol. 4, No.3, 1994
