Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch



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Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch Blog. Our objective is to promote the institutions of democracy,social justice,Human Rights,Peace, Freedom of Expression, and Respect to humanity in Rwanda,Uganda,DR Congo, Burundi,Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya,Ethiopia, and Somalia. We strongly believe that Africa will develop if only our presidents stop being rulers of men and become leaders of citizens. We support Breaking the Silence Campaign for DR Congo since we believe the democracy in Rwanda means peace in DRC. Follow this link to learn more about the origin of the war in both Rwanda and DR Congo:http://www.rwandadocumentsproject.net/gsdl/cgi-bin/library


Showing posts with label Laurent Nkunda. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Laurent Nkunda. Show all posts

Sunday, December 12, 2010

War Crimes in the Congo by Laurent Nkunda and Paul Kagame

Congo News Agency - October 30, 2010
Laurent Nkunda and Paul Kagame
According to the International Rescue Committee, more than 5,400,000 Congolese civilians have died due to war during the last ten years. Most of these deaths have occurred in eastern Congo where rebel leader Laurent Nkunda continues to wage a resources war against a democratically elected and internationally recognized government. Laurent Nkunda alleges that he is protecting the minority Tutsi ethnic group against remnants of the Rwandan Hutu army that fled to Congo after the Rwandan genocide in 1994.
If Tutsis are under attack in the Congo then there must be a widespread conspiracy not to report these attacks by the local media, the Rwandan media, the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Congo (MONUC), and the international media, at least for the last five years. The fact is that attacks against Congolese of all ethnic groups are a daily occurrence in the region. Laurent Nkunda's troops are responsible for most of these attacks.
Not only have countless civilians lost their lives, hundreds of thousands of Congolese women have been raped by rebels and militiamen in an epidemic that has reached apocalyptic proportions. Tutsis have not been singled out for attacks. Congolese have certainly not attacked Tutsis in Congo. But, they are paying the high price of an unjust and immoral war imposed on them by the Rwandan government and its local agents.
One of the enduring mysteries of the conflict in eastern Congo is why have more than 5,400,000 innocent Congolese civilians had to die at no fault of their own. There are more than 300 ethnic groups in the Congo. Tutsi villages are mainly found in the two Kivu provinces. Tutsis are a small minority in North and South Kivu. Is one ethnic group superior to all other 300 ethnic groups present in the Congo? Should one ethnic group have special dispensations to entertain a war that continues to kill countless civilians, a war that continues to cause tens of thousands of women to be raped, and the displacement of more than 1,000,000 civilians?
Congolese did not invite and have never welcomed the Rwandan Hutu militiamen to their country. Much to the contrary, Congo has no interest and absolutely nothing to gain by their presence. Congolese citizens would like nothing more than to see all remaining Hutus go back to Rwanda. Paul Kagame wants them to stay in Congo. He has frustrated all attempts by the Congolese government and the international community to repatriate them back to their country. He failed to finish them off when he had tens of thousands of his troops occupying the region, before "withdrawing" some of them under international pressure in 2003 and leaving the job to Laurent Nkunda.
Some have bought into the pretext of an endangered Tutsi minority in Congo. They never fail to mention that Laurent Nkunda is supposedly fighting to protect "his people". They have failed to question his true motives which are to occupy the mineral-rich North-Kivu province, pillage its resources, and act as a proxy army in eastern Congo for the Tutsi-led Rwandan government in Kigali. Kagame wants a foothold in eastern Congo so his country can continue to benefit from the pillaging and exporting of minerals such as Columbite-Tantalite (Coltan). Many experts on the region agree today that resources are the true reason why Laurent Nkunda continues to create chaos in the region with the help of Paul Kagame.
What's shocking is that some in the media have no shame in calling and joking with the rebel leader in interviews while he continues to be the main reason why more than 1,000 people are dying per day in Congo, 600 of them children. These journalists should think twice before cozying up to a person that will go down in history as a war criminal and mass murderer alongside Radovan Karadzic and Adolph Hitler.
Laurent Nkunda is a war criminal. The Congolese government issued an international arrest warrant against him for war crimes in 2005. Human Rights Watch has been calling for his arrest for war crimes since February of 2006. He is on a UN Sanctions List for breaches of the UN arms embargo in the DRC. On October 31, 2006 U.S. President George W. Bush signed Executive Order 13413 freezing his assets for contributing to the conflict in the Congo.
Laurent Nkunda belongs in a prison cell at The Hague along with his acolyte Bosco Ntaganda, who is being sought under an unrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and unsealed on April, 28 2008. Laurent Nkunda is also under investigation by the ICC. Many Congolese are wondering why there has not yet been an indictment of Laurent Nkunda while the court was quick to issue one against former Congolese vice-president Jean-Pierre Bemba for crimes that while equally important and indefensible, pale in comparison against those of Laurent Nkunda and his troops.
Laurent Nkunda's boss Paul Kagame was indicted on November 17, 2006 by then French magistrate in charge of counter-terrorism affairs Jean-Louis Bruguière. He is accused in the indictment of ordering the attack on the plane carrying then Rwandan President, Juvenal Habyarimana and his counterpart Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi. Their deaths led to the genocide of an estimated 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Judge Fernando Andreou Merelles of the Spanish Central Instruction Court issued indictments against 40 senior officers of the Rwanda Defense Forces formerly of the Rwanda Patriotic Army for committing mass killings after the 1994 Rwanda Genocide. He said he also has evidence against Paul Kagame who only escaped indictment because he is a sitting president.
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Sunday, November 7, 2010

NORD-KIVU : TOUS LES SIGNES DE LA NOUVELLE GUERRE SONT LA

"A CNDP soldier, one of Laurent Nkunda's ...A CNDP Wikipedia
Jules Mutebutsi
1.Les militaires congolais ont été désarmés à Kitshanga, Mweso, Ngungu, Kanyabayonga, Kilorirwe, Kalembe…. par ceux du CNDP renforcés par des bataillons venus du Rwanda ;
2.Un major issu du CNDP vient de regagner la brousse de ALIMBONGO (dans le Lubero) avec son bataillon bien armé ;
3.Un appui en hommes, armes et autres supports militaires (chars de combat) en provenance du Rwanda est visiblement perceptible ;

4.Des drapeaux non congolais flottent déjà à Kilorirwe et Bwiza ;
5.Les positions militaires jadis occupées par le CNDP sont déjà assiégées par la nouvelle armée ; il s’agit des positions de Ngungu, Muremure, Neenero, Mushaki, Kibabi, Bihambwe, Bwiza,…où l’administration légalement établie n’a plus droit d’exercer un quelconque pouvoir, car l’armée et la police répondent déjà à des commandements parallèles ;
6.La ville de Goma elle-même connaît une insécurité qui ne dit pas son vrai nom, les assassinats et enlèvements sont légion ;
7.La route entre Goma et Kanyabayonga est devenue un mouroir où les coupeurs de routes sont très actifs sans que personne n’y réfléchisse ;
8.Les militaires et policiers de rang ne répondent plus aux commandements des officiers non issus du CNDP et des officiers moins gradés produits du CNDP commandent les officiers haut gradés non CNDP ;
9.Les officiers CNDP menacent fortement de ravir les clés des bureaux du territoire de Masisi et diriger ainsi l’entité à leur manière. Pour cette cause, le chef-lieu de ce territoire est actuellement surmilitarisé et à chaque pas qu’on marque c’est un militaire CNDP en colère qu’on rencontre avec des airs menaçants. C’est dans ce lot qu’on note la présence menaçante à Masisi du très tristement célèbre Jules MUTEBUTSI venu renforcer son consanguin BOSCO NTAGANDA.
Ceci inquiète à juste raison la population de Masisi car la présence de ces deux machines à tuer très recherchés par le monde entier, est un signe indiscutable d’un avenir très proche sombre. Déjà les villages de BUKOMBO et le camps de déplacés dans ce même village ainsi que la bourgade de BUSHAHO (près de Bushani) vers Nyabiondo, se sont vu piller et morts d’hommes s’en sont suivis, oeuvre de ces militaires sous le commandement suicidaire de ces deux terroristes cités ci-haut auquel s’ajoute l’autre colonel KIPIGE dont la mission n’est pas bonne pour le peuple de Masisi.
Tous les signes sont donc réunis pour qu’on s’autorise de parler d’une guerre de grande envergure qui ne sera pas facile de mater ; n’en déplaise à son Excellence Lambert Mende qui s’est habitué à défendre l’indéfendable. Sa honte risque de lui venir bientôt de Masisi où sa bande de bandits qu’il ne cesse de défendre à longueur des journées sur « sa radio » (RTNC) va charcuter les paisibles civils. On dirait qu’il est prêt à descendre sur Goma pour rejoindre ses amis du CNDP rénové pour lequel il pourra continuer à faire le porte parole le moment venu afin de poursuivre avec sa mission qui consiste à désinformer les congolais naïfs.
A la Communauté Internationale de prendre ses dispositions en prenant l’affaire au sérieux car la situation est aussi sérieuse, sinon c’est une comptabilité des cadavres qui va s’en suivre si une intervention digne n’est pas envisagée. Quant à nous on se lave les mains car la vraie information est à votre disposition. A vous de jouer.
BANDU Innocent et HODARI André
Fait à Masisi 
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Sunday, July 4, 2010

EXPOSED, RWANDAN WAR FINANCIER’S DIRTY BUSINESS DEAL IN NIGERIA

EXPOSED, RWANDAN WAR FINANCIER’S DIRTY BUSINESS DEAL IN NIGERIA
Written by Prince News Jul 3, 2010

EXPOSED!
•Rwandan war financier’s dirty business deal in Nigeria
By EMMANUEL MAYAH
Saturday, July 03, 2010

•Nkunda: The butcher of Congo

Like a predator, he is always on the prowl, walking in the shadows – sometimes of the valley of death. His name is Tribert Ayabatwa Rujugiro. In many countries, his reputation precedes him. If there is anything like ‘International Mr. Fix-It,’ that sobriquet would go to this Rwandan, a tobacco tycoon with the mentality of an octopus. Rujugiro is also a suspected war financier. And now, he has opened shop in Nigeria.

At some point in the protracted conflict in Congo, Rujugiro became a pain in the neck for the United Nations, as detailed report directly linked the tycoon with rebel leader, General Laurent Nkunda. However, for the billionaire businessman, whose activities in Nigeria are now the subject of vociferous debates, controversy and wheeling dealing appear to be a way of life.

Until his reign of terror was punctuated, Laurent Nkunda was a dreaded warlord, notorious for turning a sizable part of Congo into killing fields. In the heat of the war in Democratic Republic of Congo, a UN Security Council Panel Report on Sanctions revealed that Rujugiro regularly held meetings with leaders of the rebel group, CNDP, including General Nkunda, at his farm in Kilolirwe. Rujugiro is from North Kivu province. He is known to have been an important backer of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) during the Rwandan civil war of 1990-1994. Among other things, the panel obtained a paper copy of an e-mail from Rujugiro, dated 28 August 2007, thanking a Dubai-based employee for making the necessary arrangements to pay $120,000 to cover the salaries of the “soldiers” for “our friend Laurent N.”

An electronic copy of another e-mail sent from Rujugiro to Rene Munya, a South African associate, showed the tycoon asked Munya to clarify the identity of some financial transactions sent by a “friend” notorious for using multiple identities. Meanwhile, while he was fuelling the war in DR Congo, Rujugiro quietly was entering a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Nigerian government.

$7.4 million fraud
Two years ago, Tribert Rujugiro breathed air of freedom, after a one-year house arrest in London. Since November 2006, the Rwandan businessman has been having a running battle with the South African government, which, in June 2008, got the British authorities to arrest him. Rujugiro had become a caged man, after his tobacco firm was shut over fraud charges. Three years ago, officials of South African Revenue Services (SARS) halted all operations at Rujugiro’s Mastermind tobacco company, in Wilsonia following a $7.4 million fraud case. While closing a manufacturing facility was considered unusual in South Africa, the severity of the fraud charges was said to have left the SARS with no choice.

Before the London arrest, South Africa had been building charges against the company’s three Rwandan directors: Tribert Ayabatwa, Patrick Rujugiro, Jean-Paul Nkwaya, and two senior employees – import/export manager Jennifer Putter and financial manager Pascale Wiehahn. Jointly, the five faced 25 counts of fraud relating to non-payment of excise duties, 25 charges of illegally exporting goods from the Customs and Excise warehouse, six charges relating to the non-payment of Value Added Tax, and a charge of irregular dealing in goods. Since the early 1990s, Rujugiro’s company, Mastermind Tobacco SA Ltd, has manufactured cigarette brands such as Yes, Forum and Legends, for both local and international markets.

As detailed in court papers, Rujugiro’s business style saw his company passing off local cigarette sales as exports in order to obtain a zero-rating VAT. Through under-invoicing, cigarettes distributed locally were for years under-declared to revenue officials, all resulting in the revenue service receiving less in excise duties and VAT. When the company was found out, the South Africans did not find it funny. Under the law in the former apartheid colony, products manufactured in South Africa and destined for export attracts a zero VAT. This means that no tax is payable to the South Africa Revenue Service, in respect of sales to foreign customers and the products are also exempt from South Africa excise taxes.

One year after his arrest, Rujugiro, who somehow managed to beat off extradition, wangled his release after his company entered a guilty plea to the charges of fraud and tax evasion. To avoid jail, the Rwandan agreed to a settlement that saw him paying immediately $368,000 to the South African government. Judge David Van Zyl of East London High Court in South Africa on June 5, 2009 ordered Mastermind Tobacco SA Ltd to remit the remaining $7.0 million by June 2010. Under the guilty plea, Rujugiro must pay $3.3 million within seven days of the court’s ruling, and the balance in monthly installments of $307,200, starting on or before July 1, 2009.
Judge Zyl also imposed a fine of 250 million rand ($30.7 million) on the company, but suspended it for five years on the condition that Mastermind pays the balance amount and is not convicted during this period for any contravention of the VAT Act, the Customs and Excise Act or fraud. The judge thereafter ruled that UK immigration officials returned his Rwandan passport. Hours later, a defiant Rujugiro was telling Radio Rwanda in a live interview from his London home that all charges had been dropped because they had been proved baseless.

A piece of cake
But for Rujugiro’s one-year travail in London and the persistence of the South African government to bring him to justice, the activities of the Rwandan in Nigeria might never have come to light. Investigation by Saturday Sun revealed that Rujugiro, reputed for preying on the economy of vulnerable countries, like the conflict-prone Democratic Republic of Congo, has, for some years now, been operating in Nigeria. Indeed, if the UK and South Africa proved not to be unwilling hosts to Rujugiro, Nigeria, as events would show, was, from the very beginning, a piece of cake for the Rwandese.

In 2003, Rujugiro’s company, Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Limited, submitted to the Federal Government of Nigeria a $57 million investment proposal to set up a factory in Nigeria for the manufacture and production of Yes, Supermatch and Forum brand of cigarettes. The factory, which was to be built within three years, was to be jointly owned by Leaf Tobacco & Commodities of British Virgin Island, Bauro Trading BVI and British Virgin Island.

The Federal Government considered and entered a MoU with Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Limited. Among other things, a three-year import concession was granted to the company, effective August 31, 2004. Like most manufacturing concerns, the idea was to attract foreign investment, expand local capacities and content and generate employment. For this, Leaf Tobacco was granted concession, which permitted it to enjoy 60 percent waiver in the importation of Yes cigarette, machinery, vehicles, raw materials and just about every other thing essential for the establishing as well as the running of the manufacturing concern. Basically, the concession to import cigarette for three years was aimed at guaranteeing a ready market for its products by the time local production would have commenced. The MoU equally dwelt on the contribution to community health schemes, satisfactory and regular interface with host communities, provision of such amenities as potable water and generally showing good corporate citizenship.

Investigation revealed that years after the concession was granted to Rujugiro’s company, Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Limited has continued to import Yes cigarette from Dubai without paying any attention to its obligation to the Nigerian government. Obviously picking out only what suits it, the company continued to import tobacco and enjoys waiver. Three years after, no factory is seen standing; no production activity is going on anywhere; no foreign capital had been put into the Nigerian economy; no employment has been generated, and no dialogue has been entered into with rural host communities. Besides activities at its various warehouses, where tobacco imports are stored, works at its factory, along Abuja-Kaduna expressway, were generally handled at snail pace.

Angered by the long and brazen disregard of the MoU, the Federal Government, in the third quarter of 2007, withdrew all trading concessions to Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Limited. Shortly after this period, there came a string of allegations of illicit importations of the Yes product through land borders. There were also allegations of under-invoicing and counterfeiting, all culminating in a raid and seizure, at Ibadan, by the Consumer Protection Council (CPC). Mrs. Ngozika Obidike, CPC’s Head of Investigation & Regulation, told Saturday Sun that cartons of Yes cigarette were confiscated because they were found not to be carrying the Nigerian health warning on their label.

Elsewhere in Rwanda, Rujugiro was not idle. The tycoon, who was one of the closest advisors of President Paul Kagame, was part of a new initiative called Rwandan Investment Group (RIG), a private investment company created by some 43 local investors. Created in September 2006 and possibly modelled after Nigeria’s Transcorp, with enormous government patronage, RIG, headed, of course, by Rujugiro, was investing in extraction of methane gas in Lake Kivu, in the western part of Rwanda, silk and cement production, maintenance of Kigali industrial park and peat extraction. The same company was also targeting a pharmaceutical industry in the southern province shortly after the acquisition of the only state owned cement factory located in the western part of the country. Rujugiro is one of the four investors that control 70 percent of RIG shares, thus throwing only 30 percent to 41 others.

In April 2001, the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the Democratic Republic of Congo, had Rujugiro’s name on their list. The Rwandese owns or has stakes in numerous businesses in Africa and the Middle East, including in the tobacco, construction, real estate and banking sectors.

Middle of nowhere
Back in Nigeria, Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Nig. Ltd was taking steps towards damage control. The Rwandan billionaire got the withdrawal reversed and the concession extended by pledging a new corporate attitude that everyone hoped would fast-track work at the factory and improve the company’s commitment to its obligations. Indeed, the factory, located in Gbakura in Kagarko Local Government Area of Kaduna State, could be said to be in the middle of nowhere. Located in a hamlet on the Suleja-Kaduna road, it commenced production in 2008. It may as well be a step calculated to fulfill all righteousness, given that the factory’s output evidently was not satisfying the company’s market share. So far, importation has not stopped.

Documents obtained by Saturday Sun showed that in the eight months, between October 2008 and June 2009, a total of 55 containers of Yes cigarette were imported into Nigeria using the land borders. Each contained 1, 080 cases of Yes. While 48 containers came in through the Cotonou port, seven were imported using Lome port in Togo. A random sampling showed that on October 1, 2008, three containers, with numbers KNLU 10676-3, MSKU 881021-4 and MSKU 048471-8 and each laden with 1, 080 cases of Yes cigarette destined for Nigeria, were conveyed out of the Cotonou port by three trucks with registration numbers: 8C 5025/3591 RN, 8F 9247/7408 RN and 8B 8704/05 RN.

The same month Yes products were dispatched from the same port again on the October 17. In the following month of November, dates of dispatch were on the 3rd and 16th. while in December, the dates were 5th, 11th and 15th. The last consignment for the year 2008, carried Yes International loaded in container No. MSKU 9724764 and was conveyed by a truck with registration number AF 9781/A5383 RB.

In January 2009, Yes consignments were dispatched from Cotonou on the 5th, 10th, 21st, and 22nd. Then in February, five containers were dispatched on 11th; two, on 20th and one on 21st. On March 1, one container came in through Lome port, in container number MSKU 963488. Through Cotonou, two containers were dispatched on 6th, while four were dispatched on the 14th of the same month. Two containers were dispatched on April 21 from Togo, while four arrived from Cotonou on 22nd. On May 5, another container of Yes arrived from Togo; two more came from Cotonou on 11th, with another arriving on 21st of the same month. By mid June, three containers of Yes cigarette had arrived from Lome, one on the 7th and two on the 15th.

In an effort to track Rujugiro’s activities in Nigeria, this reporter, last year, paid his first visit to Leaf Tobacco & Commodities Nig. Ltd. The first shocking discovery was that after seven years of operation in Nigeria, the company had no visible corporate head office. Though the company’s official address read: Plot 645, Ndola Square, Off Michael Okpara Way, Wuse Zone 5, Abuja, the address was practically non-existent. There was no building in that neighbourhood with such an address as Plot 645. While one could easily see various offices, like the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), other corporate entities housed by Shippers Plaza, searching for Leaf Tobacco was like looking for a pin in a haystack. It took another day of long search for the reporter to discover that officials of this tobacco company operated from a residential building close to Ibro Hotel, the opposite side of Michael Okpara Way.

When this reporter visited Leaf Tobacco’s factory along Suleja-Kaduna expressway, more shocks awaited him. Save for a few artisans around, the facility was desolate. There was no work going on in the factory. The production manager, Mr. Dondogori Donatien, who is from Burundi, was not on duty. Another expatriate, Francois Nahayo, had been transferred to another Rujugiro’s factory in South Africa. It was gathered that on account of raw material shortages, production had been halted for two weeks. Some workers had been laid off and those still hanging on were told to take a two-week break without pay. The works of the contractors were also found to be on hold.

The contractors had been engaged to do several things, including laying a new roof. They too had no materials to work with; though they were optimistic the materials would arrive soon. One of the contractor’s men revealed that the factory “is not even half-finished.” None of the workers had any idea what capacity the factory was producing before the machines went silent. For everyone, it was difficult to say where the Yes cigarettes in the market were coming from: the Gbakura factory or far-away Dubai? The same question was being asked in respect of a batch of bad cigarettes withdrawn from the market and dumped at the factory storeroom. Sources within the factory, who could not say whether the bad cigarettes were manufactured in the factory or imported, revealed that the company was waiting for the Customs to see the bad batch before it can be destroyed.

Last month, on a second visit to Leaf Tobacco, this reporter saw that some workers had been called back. However, production was said to be skeletal. Meanwhile, the resumed production is drawing the ire of the host community. A youth leader, Isah Namji, told Saturday Sun: “Whenever the machines are switched on, smoke that is harsh to the eyes drift from the factories into our homes. Some of our brothers employed in the factory have told us that the bad smoke is coming from the tobacco leaves processed inside the factory. Everyone is affected by this smoke; including schoolchildren.”

It was gathered that unlike in the past when processed tobacco leaves were imported, the leaves were now being processed in Nigeria. The youth leader further disclosed that just as there is no single project to be pointed at as Leaf Tobacco’s corporate social responsibility, the company is so insensitive to the extent that when poor villagers go to the factory to fetch water, they are chased away. An angry Isah said: “We don’t have anybody to fight for us. Our Village Head by name Danlami Sheayisimi is not educated; the councilor representing us, Mr. Elisha Baba, has been going there to talk to them but he is not very powerful to handle the matter.”

At the factory gate, the reporter requested to see Mr. Dondogori Donatien. He was directed to the amorphous Abuja office. Weeks later, in a telephone interview with this reporter, the Burundian denied receiving any complaint from the villagers. He said there was no smoke and no environmental pollution. In his words: “How can there be smoke coming from the factory? To show you that it is all lies, we are not producing any tobacco in Nigeria. All our products are imported.”

Pressed to comment on the status of cigarettes allegedly trucked to Cameroun and if what was going on in Nigeria was not a repeat of the South African experience, Mr. Donatien said the reporter was wasting his time.

ANALYSIS-Rwandan shootings, clampdown stir fears ahead of polls



ANALYSIS-Rwandan shootings, clampdown stir fears ahead of polls
02 Jul 2010 13:03:23 GMT
Source: Reuters
* Rwanda in spotlight after attacks on journalist, general

* Formerly unflinching allies uneasy, fears of divisions

* Clamp-down seen ahead of election Kagame likely to win

By David Lewis

NAIROBI, July 2 (Reuters) - The shooting of an exiled dissident general and a journalist will embarrass Rwanda's allies, ever more uncomfortable about political repression, but more worrying is the escalating risk of a violent fall-out from increasingly public divisions within the ruling elite.

President Paul Kagame -- who ended Rwanda's 1994 genocide by sweeping to power with his Tutsi-dominated rebel army, and has since been praised for restoring order and attracting investors -- is sure to win re-election for another seven years in August.

But an attack on his former confidant and army chief in South Africa, and the slaying of a critical journalist at home are piling pressure on a government already accused of stifling political rivals and involved in highly charged legal case against a US lawyer accused of denying the 1994 genocide.

Four people have appeared in court, suspected of the attempted murder of Lieutenant-General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, while two others, including a former Rwandan intelligence officer, were freed. No nationalities were given.

South Africa has said it is not ready to comment further on the attack, but security sources suspect Rwandan involvement.

Rwanda says such accusations are preposterous, but links were anyway quickly made with killings in the 1990s of dissidents abroad, blamed then on Rwanda's security services.

Theories of a bungled robbery have also been put in doubt by reports from Nyamwasa's wife, who was with him, that the attackers targeted Nyamwasa, rather than valuables or their car.

Henri Boshoff, an analyst at the South Africa-based Institute for Security Studies, said Pretoria was furious an attack had taken place, especially during the World Cup, and the incident left Kagame some tricky questions to answer.

But it has also left South Africa, a key Rwandan ally and business partner, with an awkward incident on its hands, he said.

Nyamwasa was serving as Kigali's ambassador to India when he fled Rwanda during official meetings earlier this year. He, and another senior army officer also living in exile in South Africa, have been accused of corruption and involvement in a series of mysterious grenade attacks by Kagame's government.

The pair deny the charges and say Kagame is abusing an anti-corruption drive to frame his opponents.

"RECONSIDER THE BLANK CHEQUE"

Rwanda and South Africa have been in talks over Kigali's request to extradite Nyamwasa.

"(South Africa) can get out of this embarrassment by not agreeing to his extradition and making sure they follow the investigations to the end, even if it leads to Kigali," said Carina Tertsakian, Rwanda researcher at Human Rights Watch.

"Diplomatically, it could be tricky," she said.

Last week, Jean Leonard Ruganbage, an investigative journalist was killed in a hail of bullets outside his house. Ruganbage's editor linked his death to a story blaming Rwandan intelligence for Nyamwasa's death, a charge denied by Kigali.

Kagame has enjoyed a free hand in Rwanda, building up the army to assert his authority at home and abroad, as well as using anti-genocide legislation to clamp down on opponents.

Citing the world's failure to stop the 1994 slaughter, he has often batted away foreign criticism. Rwanda was named the world's top reformer in the Doing Business Report 2010.

But the mounting incidents are testing patience.

"Even Rwanda's traditional allies like the U.S. and Britain are concerned, and more willing to say so publicly than at any point since the 1994 genocide," said Philippe de Pontet, Africa analyst at Eurasia Group.

"There's a sense that it may be time to reconsider the diplomatic blank check if the crackdown on dissent continues to intensify in coming weeks," he added.

"COULD GET NASTY"

Earlier this year, the U.S. government, a steadfast Kigali ally, took the unprecedented step of registering its concerns about moves to stifle freedoms of the press and the opposition.

A further thorn in the relations between the two nations has been Kigali's arrest of Peter Erlinder, a U.S. lawyer who went to Rwanda to defend Victoire Ingabire, the arrested opposition leader, and was swiftly accused of denying the genocide.

Eurasia's de Pontet said investors would probably be less worried, given Rwanda's overall business climate, high growth and an assumption Kagame would be around for seven more years.

But, given Rwanda's history and the restrictions on dissent from either friends or foes, others are more nervous.

Nyamwasa was highly popular during his time in charge of the army and was closely connected to Congolese rebels that U.N. experts say Kigali once backed but has now alienated. One reason given for the row is Kagame's fearing Nyamwasa was a threat.

His shooting also follows the arrest of two senior officers and a military reshuffle since the beginning of the year, leading to speculation of a rift between Kagame and top aides in the RPF political party and the army.

While crackdowns on opponents or splits within the RPF are not new, one Rwanda expert, who asked not to be named, said the current rumblings were unprecedented within the inner circle, where Kagame has seen discontent but never a serious rival.

"It is certainly possible that it could get nasty," he said. (Additional reporting by Hereward Holland; Editing by Giles Elgood)