Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch



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Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch Blog. Our objective is to promote the institutions of democracy,social justice,Human Rights,Peace, Freedom of Expression, and Respect to humanity in Rwanda,Uganda,DR Congo, Burundi,Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya,Ethiopia, and Somalia. We strongly believe that Africa will develop if only our presidents stop being rulers of men and become leaders of citizens. We support Breaking the Silence Campaign for DR Congo since we believe the democracy in Rwanda means peace in DRC. Follow this link to learn more about the origin of the war in both Rwanda and DR Congo:http://www.rwandadocumentsproject.net/gsdl/cgi-bin/library


Showing posts with label COTE D'IVOIRE GUILLAUME SORO. Show all posts
Showing posts with label COTE D'IVOIRE GUILLAUME SORO. Show all posts

Tuesday, January 11, 2011

COTE D'IVOIRE: Warnings from the west

DAKAR, 11 January 2011 (IRIN) - “Everyone agrees that the population should not become hostages of Côte d’Ivoire’s political problems,” UN Humanitarian Coordinator Ndolam Ngokwey told IRIN after returning to Abidjan from a two-day mission to the west with the UN’s Humanitarian Country Team (HCT).

The mission’s main focus was on assessing the needs of thousands of Ivoirians who have abandoned their homes in the face of rising tensions in the west, particularly around the town of Duékoué, the scene of fierce inter-communal clashes earlier this month.

Ngokwey said at least 35 people had been killed in the confrontation between Malinké and Guéré communities in Duékoué, with the local Catholic Mission now playing host to thousands of displaced.

Ngokwey said Duékoué appeared to be calm for now, but warned against complacency. “The conflict may have died down and one can talk about a relative peace. I didn’t hear any gunshots in the time I was there. But you can definitely sense the tensions. The situation remains volatile.”

Ngokwey pointed out that the recent violence, reportedly triggered by the killing of a trader, had deep roots, with local tensions exacerbated by the political stand-off in Côte d’Ivoire. He said the humanitarian needs in Duékoué were stark. “People need food. They need water and sanitation. They need medical care. Until recently, we were looking at a figure of around 4,000 people requiring help in the west, then it suddenly shoots up to 16,000.”

The west remains divided. Guiglo and Duékoué, important urban centres long seen as major strongholds for Laurent Gbagbo remain under the control of an administration that recognizes Gbagbo’s rule. Man and Danané are in territory controlled by the pro-Ouattara Forces Nouvelles. But Ngokwey stressed that, despite the difficulties of the political context, authorities on both sides, at national and regional level, understood the humanitarian priorities and were being supportive, trying to facilitate access. He noted that the road between Duékoué and Man was open.

More on the crisis
Back to square one
Political impasse sparks food price hikes
The UN's mission impossible?
Wounds reopened - the price of breakdown
Countdown to deadlock
Bridging the aid gap post-conflict
No political mandate, no development in Côte d’Ivoire
Crisis runs deeper than elections
Change of thinking

Ngokwey acknowledged that the post-elections crisis had forced a serious change of thinking within the humanitarian community. “Until recently, the focus was on early recovery, construction, even development. There were some residual humanitarian problems: food shortages in the north, displaced persons in the west. A lot of NGOs left or reduced their activities. But things have changed.”

Ngokwey said it was crucial that current concerns were addressed and contingency plans put into action. “We must manage this crisis effectively so it does not become a catastrophe.” While noting that NGOs and others had “legitimate concerns” about security and other issues, he said the humanitarian presence in the west was expanding again with NGOs sending new personnel into places like Man. He emphasized that the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), which had heavily reduced its staffing levels and activities over the past year, was again playing a key role in the west.

Despite the visible tensions in Duékoué, Ngokwey said he had been encouraged by the response of the local population. “You see that people are not bowed down. They want our help, but they are asking with dignity. You also see an impressive level of community support and organization, civil society volunteers, priests getting involved, imams using their own means to support those in need. Confronted by crisis, you see people pulling together, working hand in hand to ensure that everybody gets the minimum needed.”

Ngokwey said it was crucial that funding was made available. “We are counting on the generosity of donors”, he told IRIN. “The humanitarian imperative is not a theory but an obligation for all of us.” Ngokwey said he would be returning to the west later in the week to re-evaluate the situation and "check that obligations were being met."
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Thursday, January 6, 2011

Côte d'Ivoire : le dilemme onusien

Laurent Gbagbo, Président de la République (Cô...Image via Wikipedia
Publie par Radio Canada

Quand l'ONU et la communauté internationale n'interviennent pas énergiquement pour stopper les massacres au Darfour ou en République démocratique du Congo, on les accuse de négligence. De se désintéresser de ces victimes parce qu'elles sont africaines, noires et pauvres.

En Côte d'Ivoire, l'ONU et la communauté internationale ont jusqu'ici adopté une position très ferme. Du jamais vu en Afrique. C'est la première fois de son histoire que l'ONU ose s'ingérer dans une élection nationale pour décréter un gagnant.

Cette fois-ci, on l'accuse de néo-colonialisme. Il faudrait laisser « les Africains régler cette crise africaine ». « Damned if you do, damned if you don't. » Traduction boiteuse : quoi que l'ONU fasse en Afrique, elle a toujours tort.

L'interventionnisme musclé de l'ONU en Côte d'Ivoire indique-t-il une nouvelle tendance, une nouvelle intolérance envers ces chefs d'État, nombreux partout dans le monde, à tripoter les règles électorales pour s'accrocher au pouvoir? Ou la crise ivoirienne est-elle un cas à part?

Une première onusienne

Le président contesté de la Côte d'Ivoire, Laurent Gbagbo, doit se lever tous les matins depuis un mois en se demandant : « Pourquoi moi? » Il doit se demander pourquoi l'ONU a décidé de contester la réélection de l'homme fort d'Abidjan et qu'elle ne conteste pas les réélections, tout aussi contestables, d'Omar El-Béchir au Soudan, en avril, et de Paul Kagame au Rwanda, qui a été réélu avec 93 % des suffrages en août.

L'ONU a-t-elle dénoncé ces scrutins, jugés comme des simulacres d'exercices démocratiques par de nombreux observateurs internationaux? Non, sans doute parce que la Chine, qui exploite le pétrole soudanais, protège le régime de Khartoum. Le président soudanais est pourtant poursuivi par le Tribunal pénal international pour des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l'humanité au Darfour.

Au Rwanda, l'ONU et les diplomaties occidentales protègent encore l'homme fort de Kigali, par culpabilité pour leur inaction durant le génocide. Pourtant, le régime de Paul Kagame est soupçonné par l'ONU de crimes génocidaires en RDC.

D'où vient donc cette soudaine fermeté onusienne envers un chef d'État réélu de façon contestable? La crise ivoirienne présente de nombreux précédents. C'était la première fois que l'ONU avait le mandat de non seulement surveiller le bon déroulement d'une élection, mais d'en certifier les résultats.

En confirmant le verdict de la Commission électorale indépendante, qui donne Alassane Ouattara gagnant avec 54 % des suffrages, l'ONU s'ingérait pour la première fois de son histoire dans une bataille électorale nationale.

C'est aussi la première fois que le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU adopte une résolution qui confirme la victoire d'un candidat d'une élection présidentielle en Afrique. Depuis, la communauté internationale agit comme si cette résolution onusienne avait préséance sur la loi du pays.

Selon la loi ivoirienne, c'est le Conseil constitutionnel qui confirme l'élection d'un président. Ce Conseil a donné son aval à Laurent Gbagbo. Cela ne rend pas son élection plus légitime, mais l'ONU peut-elle ne pas respecter la loi suprême d'un pays?

Débat autour de la suprématie onusienne

On appelle cela le droit d'ingérence. Plusieurs chancelleries, Bernard Kouchner en tête, se battent depuis des années pour que l'ONU ose aller plus loin dans la défense des droits de l'homme, quitte à passer au-dessus des têtes d'États qui violent ces droits, quand ils ne tuent pas carrément leurs populations. La Côte d'Ivoire est-elle un cas qui justifie le droit d'ingérence?

Bon nombre d'intellectuels, artistes et écrivains africains, qu'on ne peut pas soupçonner de partisanerie, commencent à s'opposer à une intervention plus musclée de l'ONU ou à une intervention militaire de la Communauté économique des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest (CEDEAO).

« [Dans les faubourgs d'Abidjan], on préfère d'expérience les mauvaises élections aux guerres civiles bien réussies. Mieux vaut encore Bokassa et Mobutu que les drames du Liberia ou de la Sierra Leone! La bête humaine s'habitue à l'enfer du despotisme, certainement pas aux massacres à la rwandaise! », écrit dans Le Monde l'écrivain guinéen Tierno Monénembo, Prix Renaudot 2008.

« Nous ne soutenons pas Laurent Gbagbo, poursuit-il, nous ne contestons pas non plus l'élection d'Alassane Ouatarra. Nous disons simplement que [...] l'ONU n'a pas à décider qui est élu et qui ne l'est pas à la tête d'un pays. Le faisant, elle outrepasse ses droits [...] au point que derrière le langage feutré de ses diplomates, on distingue des bruits de bottes coloniales. »

Les dangers de l'intervention armée

Voilà pourquoi l'ONU aura de la difficulté à aller au bout de sa logique, comme le lui demande le camp Ouattara, de plus en plus impatient d'assumer le pouvoir. Forcer le départ de Laurent Gbagbo avec les tanks blancs des forces de la paix serait franchir une frontière dangereuse.

Le mandat des Casques bleus est d'imposer la paix, et non de provoquer la guerre. Or, une intervention militaire extérieure, qu'elle vienne de l'ONU ou de la CEDEAO, risquerait d'allumer l'étincelle de la violence qui couve depuis le 28 novembre.

C'est peut-être le plus étonnant dans cette crise. Les médias du monde entier répètent, à chaque jour depuis un mois, que la situation à Abidjan est tendue et explosive. Or, les deux camps ennemis ont jusqu'ici réussi l'impensable : éviter l'affrontement armé tant redouté.
Peut-être parce que les Ivoiriens ne sont pas descendus dans les rues, ni d'un côté ni de l'autre.

Alassane Ouattara et Laurent Gbagbo savent que les Ivoiriens n'embarqueront pas dans une autre guerre civile. Il faudra bien qu'ils acceptent un jour de se parler. L'ONU tente ces jours-ci de provoquer cette rencontre. Mais Laurent Gbagbo refuse de prendre l'appel de Barack Obama.

Regardez les reportages de Sophie Langlois sur notre page
« International »

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Tuesday, January 4, 2011

Ivory Coast crisis: Gbagbo to negotiate 'peaceful' end

From BBC
Ivory Coast's Laurent Gbagbo has agreed to negotiate a "peaceful end" to his country's crisis without preconditions, regional leaders say.
Ouattara supporters in Abidjan, 3 JanThe chairman of the Ecowas regional group said Mr Gbagbo had also agreed to immediately lift the blockade around the temporary headquarters of his presidential rival Alassane Ouattara.
The UN regards Mr Ouattara the winner of November elections but Mr Gbagbo, the incumbent, refused to cede power.
Ecowas has threatened to force him out.
The BBC's John James in Ivory Coast's business capital, Abidjan, says it is important not to over-emphasise the importance of Mr Gbagbo's statement.
Mr Gbagbo has given no indication he is willing to step down, our correspondent says.
Mr Ouattara, who is holed up in a hotel protected by UN peacekeepers, has said he is willing to talk, as long as the internationally agreed election results are accepted by Mr Gbagbo.
Presidential visits The chairman of the Ecowas Commission, James Victor Gbeho, said after an extraordinary session of members in Abuja, Nigeria: "Laurent Gbagbo agreed to negotiate a peaceful end to the crisis without any preconditions.

Analysis

Laurent Gbagbo is a skilled political player, nicknamed the "baker" for his ability "roll his opponents in the flour". Here again, he appears to be getting positive headlines for being willing to negotiate, and negative ones for his opponent who is refusing to negotiate unless Mr Gbagbo admits he lost.
But between the lines there seems to be very little being given away and Mr Gbagbo does not appear open to the idea of leaving the presidential palace. On the same day he called for a peaceful resolution to the crisis, his soldiers attacked the headquarters of the PDCI opposition party which supports Mr Ouattara. The Ecowas chairman, James Victor Gbeho, admitted afterwards that this was only a slight glimmer of hope and that the prospect of military intervention is still an option if talks fail.
"He also pledged to immediately lift the blockade around Hotel du Golf, the temporary headquarters of Mr Alassane Ouattara, the president-elect.
"On his part, Mr Alassane Ouattara indicated his willingness to ensure a dignified exit for Mr Gbagbo provided the latter accepted the outcome of the presidential election as declared by the independent electoral commission and certified by the United Nations."
The statement followed a visit to Ivory Coast by Presidents Boni Yayi of Benin, Pedro Pires of Cape Verde and Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone - representing Ecowas (Economic Community of West African States).
It was their second trip to Abidjan in less that a week. On Monday they were joined by Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga, representing the African Union (AU).
Mr Odinga said he had told Mr Gbagbo that power-sharing was not an option and would "actually hamper the democratisation process on the continent".
The latest Ecowas statement called for another joint delegation to visit Ivory Coast "as soon as possible" and called on both sides in Ivory Coast to "refrain from any acts liable to aggravate the already critical situation".
Although Ecowas said the military option was still on the table, some doubt the region's willingness to carry out its threat given the unpredictable response of the Ivorian army, which publicly continues to support Mr Gbagbo.
Mr Gbeho said: "We are aware of the dangers in the force option, particularly in a country... where almost all citizens and ethnic groups of our Ecowas region are represented, and so it is an option that must be used with a lot of circumspection."
President Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria had earlier described the situation as a "stalemate", adding: "Don't expect that if there's a major crisis in a country that we just jump in... and the matter is resolved."
The 28 November election was intended to reunify the country - the world's leading cocoa producer - which has been divided since a 2002 conflict.
Mr Ouattara was initially proclaimed the winner by the country's election commission - a verdict backed by the UN, which helped organise the poll.
But the Constitutional Council, headed by an ally of Mr Gbagbo, later ruled that he had won, citing voting irregularities in the north of the country.
The north is controlled by the New Forces, a former rebel movement that supports Mr Ouattara.
Both men have been sworn in as president.
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Monday, January 3, 2011

'No compromise' as mediators tell Gbagbo to step down A United Nations patrol on the streets of Abidjan

AFP/Citizenside By RFI
A United Nations patrol on the streets of Abidjan
African Union mediator and Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga arrived Monday in Côte d'Ivoire to repeat demands that definant leader Laurent Gbagbo cede power to rival Alassane Ouattara. After Gbagbo failed to heed a 1 January deadline to transfer power peacefully, military commanders continue to finalise plans for his forceful removal.
Odinga will be joined in Abidjan by three regional presidents, Benin's Boni Yayi, Sierra Leone's Ernest Koroma and Cape Verde's Pedro Pires. They represent the 15-nation Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas).
A member of the delegation has said that "there is no point of negotiation" and that the bloc's position has not changed.
Observers say that that amnesty and exile deals will be discussed, but in his New Year message Gbagbo reiterated his belief that he is the rightfully elected president.
“Since last week’s meeting the tone has softened considerably,” said RFI correspondent Marco Chown Oved, from Abidjan.
Chown said that there are splits among African leaders: Some, such as ECOWAS head and Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, believe that only diplomacy should be used to resolve the situation, while others, such as Kenya's Odinga, are opposed to power sharing deals that have proven difficult in the past and provide poor precedents for the future of African democracy.
“But between this hesitation and a full military intervention is a lot of ground to cover,” added Oved.
Meanwhile, a United Nations official investigating alleged abuses says that while a campaign of terror by Gbagbo’s supporters has apparently calmed, he has evidence of extra-judicial killings.
Simon Munzu, the head of UN's human rights division, said that his staff had verified claims of murder, with other reports pending verification.
Gbagbo supporters have twice prevented peacekeepers from visiting the site of an alleged mass grave.
The UN is also investigating reports that doors have been marked to indicate the ethnic status of inhabitants, in what some fear could be the prelude to a civil war divided along ethnic lines.
The weekend passed, without the storming of the Golf Hotel, where Ouattara has been staying.
Charles Ble Goude, the Youth Minister, said that he had been asked to “postpone our plan" to attack the hotel.
He added that he wanted to give negotiations more time to succeed, but warned that he would renew his calls to storm the hotel if Côte d'Ivoire is attacked.
The UN said that up to 500 refugees are fleeing to Liberia each day, with the total already nearing 20,000. The majority of asylum seekers are under 18 years of age and supplies are already running low.
Côte d'Ivoire is the world’s largest cocoa grower, accounting for 33 percent of the world’s output and a quarter of all exports for sub-Saharan Africa’s seventh-biggest economy.
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Saturday, January 1, 2011

EU approves visa bans on 59 Ivoirians linked to Gbagbo

EU approves visa bans on 59 Ivoirians linked to Gbagbo

Blé Goudé, Gbagbo's minister of youth and employment and president of the Young Patriots, is on the EU visa sanction list
Photo: Reuters/Thierry Gouegnon
By RFI
The European Union approved sanctions Friday against 59 people linked to Côte d'Ivoire’s incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo, who is defying global demands to step down after contested presidential elections at the end of November

Those targeted will not be granted EU visas, a diplomat told the AFP news agency.
Thirty-two men and women who are part of Gbagbo’s “illegitimate government” are on the list, as are six members of the Constitutional council who participated in the “validation of false results.
Also on the list are the head of the army, the head of the port of Abidjan, newspaper editors, and the presidents of groups accused of inciting hatred and violence.
Two other people who were on the list were removed after they acknowledged the authority of Gbagbo’s rival, Alassane Ouattara, who is recognised by most other countries as the President of Côte d'Ivoire.
A first series of European sanctions were put in place last week, with visa bans on 19 people, including on Gbagbo himself and his wife.
The latest sanctions come as Ouattara has given Gbagbo a midnight deadline to leave power, without specifying the consequences.
If Gbagbo quits before the start of the New Year, he will "have no worries", said Ouattara's prime minister Guillaume Soro.
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