RWANDA:IJURU SI RYERU HAGATI YA PEREZIDA KAGAME N’UMUGABA MUKURU W’INGABO LT GEN KAYONGA

 Byavuye muli RWANDA RWIZA
Amakuru dukesha umuntu wifuje ko tutatangaza umwirondoro we kubera umutekano we ndetse n’uw’umuryango we, aravuga ko ibintu bitoroshye na gato hagati ya Perezida Kagame n’umugaba w’Ingabo Lt Gen Charles Kayonga.
Iyo bomboribombori imaza iminsi kuko yatangiranye n’ihunga rya Lt Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa, uko guhunga kwarakaje Perezida Kagame ku buryo yavuze amagambo menshi ubundi atari akwiye kuva mu kanwa k’umukuru w’igihugu. Yifatiye ku gahanga abo yita abanzi be karahava.
Ntabwo byashiriye aho, amakuru dufite avuga ko yashatse kwihorera ku muryango wa Lt Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa, ubwo yategekaga abamaneko ba Ambassade y’u Rwanda i New Delhi  gukingirana umugore n’abana ba Lt Gen Kayumba bakabafataho bugwate. Bivugwa kandi ko hacuzwe umugambi wo kwivugana murumuna wa Lt Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa ariwe Lt Col Rugigana Ngabo wategekaga Engineering Regiment. Uwo mugambi wari ushingiye ku bisasu bya Grenade byari bimaze iminsi biterwa n’abamaneko  bo muri DMI ngo byitirirwe Lt Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa na Col Patrick Karegeya. Uwo mugambi umaze kunononsorwa Perezida Kagame kubera uburakari yari afite yasabye ko Lt Col Rugigana Ngabo yicwa mu buryo bw’ikinamico, bakamugerekaho kuba ayoboye ibikorwa byo gutera za grenade maze bikitwa ko yaguye mu mirwano arwanya abari baje ku mufata.
Lt Gen Charles Kayonga yarwanije uwo mugambi abwira Perezida Kagame ngo ko niba afitanye ikibazo na Lt Gen Kayumba atagifitanye n’umuryango we wose cyangwa inshuti ze zose. Ahubwo ahita atanga itegeko ko Lt Col Rugigana yafungwa. Gufungwa kwe byahise bituma icyo kibazo kimenyekana uwo mugambi uba uburiyemo kuko hose inkuru yari yakwiriye ko Lt Col Rugigana Ngabo yafashwe ntabwo byari bigishobotse kumwica mu mayeri.
Ibyo byarakaje Perezida Kagame, kuko yumvaga Lt Gen Kayonga yamusuzuguye, na none yasabye umwe mubarinda Lt Gen Kayonga kumurasa,uwo yabisabye akaba yari asanzwe ari maneko ucungira Lt Gen Kayonga hafi agaha Perezida Kagame amakuru ubwe nta wundi aciyeho (abayobozi benshi bo mu nzego zo hejuru bakunze kugira abantu nk’abo babacunga). Uwo musirikare yagize ubwoba abibwira Lt Gen Charles Kayonga. Nawe yahise ashakira wa musirikare ibyangombwa byose aramuhungisha hanze y’igihugu (igihugu yahungiyemo ntabwo twagitangaza kubera umutekano w’uwo musirikare).  Lt Gen Kayonga yahise ajya kwirebera Perezida Kagame aramubwira ati: Afande aho kugira ngo untumeho abantu ngo banyice ndiyiziye ngo abe ari wowe unyiyicira. Perezida Kagame byaramuyobeye arabihakana avuga ko ntacyo abiziho ko ari ibihuha.
Ibibazo nk’ibi  byo kutizerana nibyo bituma abanyarwanda cyane cyane abatuye umujyi wa Kigali babona abasirikare bikoreye intwaro za rutura biritwa bazenguruka mu mpande zose za Kigali nk’aho hari icyo bategereje.

Tubitege amaso!!
Ruben Barugahare

RWANDA:L’ancien Ambassadeur de la Belgique au Rwanda se livre

Redige Par RUHUMUZA et Publie par Jambonews....ADAPTED DE LA JAMBONEWS

Dans une interview accordée à l’Hebdomadaire belge « Le Vif l’Express », Johan Swinnen, l’ancien Ambassadeur de la Belgique au Rwanda de 1990 à 1994, a livré son analyse sur le Rwanda, en marge de la publication du rapport d’expertise commandité par les juges français Trevidic et Poux et à l’aube du 50^ème anniversaire de l’indépendance du Rwanda.
Interrogé sur  le « rapport Trevidic », l’ancien Ambassadeur  a déclaré ne connaitre de ce rapport que les extraits qui ont fait

Johan Swinnen source: elpais.com

l’objet de fuites dans la presse sur ce qui n’est « qu’un rapport intermédiaire » et a estimé qu’il était « inacceptable » d’« extrapoler comme le font certains en désignant déjà les tireurs ».
Invité ensuite à livrer son intime conviction sur l’auteur de cet attentat, il hésite « Je n’ose me prononcer là-dessus. Les extrémistes Hutu, peut-être. Mais je n’exclus pas un scénario machiavélique du FPR qui aurait considéré les Tutsi du Rwanda comme quantité négligeable. Voulait-il s’emparer de tout le pouvoir ? Comme il était minoritaire, il ne voulait pas entendre parler d’élections, pourtant inscrites dans les accords d’Arusha de 1993. » Avant d’ajouter « mon intime conviction est que nous devons avoir le courage de poser les questions et y répondre ».
Pour lui, la meilleure méthode afin d’avancer « serait une enquête objective et internationalement mandatée » et  il considère que « Le problème aujourd’hui, c’est que le débat est tronqué. Quiconque émet une nuance, ou formule une question, se fait vite taxer de révisionniste et négationniste. » Avant d’exprimer son ras le bol de la situation « J’en ai assez de ces antagonismes plus idéologiques que factuels, entre experts, politiques, diplomates, rwandais ou européens. »
Sur la question de la planification du génocide, Johan Swinnen s’interroge, « y’avait-il un plan pour exterminer les Tutsi ? Je ne l’exclus pas, mais honnêtement, je n’ai pas connaissance d’un plan général orchestré jusque dans les moindres détails pour associer en masse les Hutu contre les Tutsi et les Hutu modérés. Même si on doit me taxer de révisionniste… »
Il explique alors ce qui pour lui a provoqué des massacres d’une telle ampleur, « La tension était à son comble. Les rebelles du FPR avaient provoqué le déplacement de plus d’un million de personnes, qui vivaient dans des conditions innommables. Ils sont tous tombés dans le piège de la radicalisation et de l’extrémisme. La haine était partagée entre Hutu et Tutsi !Je suis le seul diplomate à m’être rendu à Mulindi pour dire à Kagame qu’il devait également faire taire sa radio Muhabura, si je voulais avoir des chances de succès dans mes démarches à l’égard de la RTLM. Muhabura était aussi une radio de la mort. »
Durant l’interview, l’ancien Ambassadeur a également répondu  à des questions  sur le rôle de la MINUAR, les raisons du retrait des belges du Rwanda, les relations entre les bailleurs de fonds et le Rwanda pour lequel il considère malgré des aspects à apprécier à leur juste valeur, qu’« Il y’a une dérive autoritaire. »
L’intégralité de l’entretien est disponible dans le Vif l’Express 20 au 26 janvier 2012.
Ruhumuza Mbonyumutwa

RWANDA:Paul Kagame: Behind the Presidential curtains

By Jennifer Fierberg, MSW adapted from AFRICA GLOBAL VILLAGE

President Paul Kagame to receive the NRA medal of honor after 26 years
President Kagame is expected for yet another four day visit in Uganda where he will be decorated with a medal for his contribution in the NRA bush war in 1981-1986. According to the sources, President Kagame was invited by his counterpart President YK Museveni on his previous visit where many of President Kagame’s former commanders; like General Salim Saleh Akandwanaho, General Fred Rwigyema, General Elly Tumwine, General David Tinyefuza and others have all received this honor before. This honor has been going on since the country was captured in 1986.
Last year General Fred Rwigyema received the freedom fighters medal which was never collected because his wife, who was expected at the function, was unable to attend because her passport had been confiscated by Kagame’s agents.
This honor begs the question, why now after 26 years is when President Paul Kagame is remembered for his contribution? Most service men of the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces only remember President Kagame as a young intelligence officer who was a captain in 1986. They also remember him as a killer who actually never investigated a case and instead ordered the killing of any suspect that came across him.
He moved freely from unit to unit spying on his colleagues.
It was, therefore, not surprising that when Sam Magara, one of the few Munduli-trained officers in the group reportedly hatched a plan to oust Museveni, the CHC moved faster than them thanks to President Kagame’s information.
Veterans say that Museveni trusted Kagame more than Tinyefuza who, like Sam Magara, is from the Muhinda clan of the Bahima, Museveni is a Musita.
In his book, The Agony of the Bush War, Brig. Matayo Kyalgonza writes about the emergence of cliques during the bush war and how the CHC ordered that “ethnicity should cease”.
At the height of ethnic polarization in the bush, Museveni appeared to trust fighters of Rwandan origin, such as Kagame, more than those who were Ugandan. That is why the late Maj. Gen. Fred Rwigyema remained the head of Museveni’s protection unit for a long time.
Although the alleged coup against Museveni had been planned to take place when he was away from the bush (between June -December 1981), the rebel leader got to know about it and was able to suppress it. Veterans say, it is Kagame and others who let Museveni in on the secret.
High ranking bush-war generals remember how Kagame tortured a fellow NRA fighter, Jack Muchunguzi, to extract a confession following the murder of another colleague, Hannington Mugabi.
Brig. Pecos Kutesa describes Mugabi’s death as caused by a pistol accident. But Col. Kizza Besigye, the only officer who witnessed the killing, was never asked to give evidence.

Muchunguzi was allegedly killed in order to quash a plot to oust Museveni which had been hatched by Sam Magara. Apparently, Muchunguzi knew about the plot.
It is reported that Magara wanted to break the NRA force and lead some fighters to another rebel force based in the Rwenzori Mountain. The Rwenzori group was reportedly linked to the Gang of Four; Prof. Edward Rugumayo, Prof. Dan Nabudere, Prof. Yash Tandon and late Omwony Ojwok who operated in areas of Nyabushozi.
The plot to destroy the NRA, it is claimed was hatched by Muchunguzi, Magara and Mugabi. Hannington Mugabi was reportedly uncomfortable with the plot especially after the chief planner had been killed in Kampala under unclear circumstances.
Muchunguzi it is claimed eliminated Mugabi to destroy evidence.
We have been told that Kagame drilled safety pins in Muchunguzi’s fingers, squeezed his testicles and burnt him with cigarette butts to force him to confess.
Museveni also dispatched Kagame alongside other fighters to verify the authenticity of another rebel force that reportedly wanted to join the NRA. This was the rebel group of Maj. Roland Kakooza Mutale. Kagame and company found the group genuine and Mutale’s fighters were integrated into the NRA.
As it’s indicated in Lt Colonel Pecos Kutesa’s book, Uganda’s Resolution: How I saw it: he explains how Kagame, at some point when they were attacked, opened rapid fire when they were supposed to stay silent because they had planned to conduct an ambush on enemy forces. According to this book, Kagame was anxious and shaking thus requiring the High Commander to decide that Kagame would have to stay in the headquarters and continue his lone intelligence work. That is the freedom fighter that will be decorated on 22/1/12. President Paul Kagame (army number RO161) is a Tanzanian-trained spy, Paul Kagame, now President of Rwanda – was the counter-intelligence chief of rebel NRA leader Yoweri Museveni.
Most of the Luwero bush-war veterans are unanimous in their verdict that Kagame was never one of the celebrated NRA fighters yet he was quite meticulous in his role as a spy. His contribution in intelligence gathering and analysis helped Museveni regain control of a mutinous guerrilla force. Sam Magara (RIP) reportedly plotted a coup against Museveni during the early days of the struggle.
In the line of duty, Kagame reported directly to the Chairman of the High Command (CHC), Yoweri Museveni.
He was one of the 27 rebels that launched the war with the attack on Kabamba on Feb. 6, 1981, but his military number was a distant RO 0161.
Kagame who trained in intelligence gathering in Tanzania – went on to become, rebel leader, Yoweri Museveni’s most trusted spy. Specialising in counter intelligence, Kagame spied on colleagues to establish mainly who was undermining the struggle from within or undermining the authority of the rebel leader.
Conspiracy appeared to have crept into the NRA guerrilla movement at the very launch of the rebellion and this prompted the rebel leader to engage with some fighters to spy on others.
Kagame’s work was therefore cut out right from the start when the only Yugoslav-made RPG that the rebels planned to use to storm the armoury of Kabamba barracks went missing.
Only 33 people, including Kagame, who attended the meeting at Mathew Rukikaire’s residence on February 3 that planned the first attack, knew about this weapon that would help the rebels gain access to the armoury and get more guns. At that time the rebels had only 27 guns and needed more.
The RPG mysteriously disappeared a day before the February 6, 1981 attack on Kabamba.
Although the rebels went ahead with the planned attack, on Kabamba their mission to break open the underground armoury failed, though they went on to liberate the country after four years, It is the right time for the two leaders to resurrect the relationship and avoid the dangers a head after overstaying in power and the bloodshed, after the two countries fought in the Congo, their relationship has been cold for some time with a number of incidents indicating plans to execute each other. It was restarted by Kagame’s wife after President Kagame found out that a number of his soldiers are leaving the country.
According to the sources held 800 soldiers have left Rwanda in the last 6 months, this has disturbed Kagame because they all left with the guns, President Kagame believes that getting closer to President Museveni is a means of blocking any support for his opponents.
By: Noble Marara, former Presidential Guard to Paul Kagame, Rwanda
Edited by: Jennifer Fierberg

RWANDA:Four Rwandan Generals Arrested on False Charges

FDU-INKINGI and RNC Statement on the suspension, arrest and detention of Senior Military Officers of Rwanda Defence Forces

Press Release
20th January 2012
Three Rwandan generals and a colonel were suspended from duty and placed under house arrest on 17 January 2012. The defence spokesman, Colonel Joseph Nzabamwita, confirmed the suspensions, arrests and detentions of Lieutenant General Fred Ibingira (Chief of staff of the Reserve Force), Brigadier General Richard Rutatina (Chief of Military Intelligence), Brigadier General Wilson Gumisiriza (3rd Division Commander) and Colonel Dan Munyuza (Chief of External Security Service). According to the official statement of the military authorities, the four senior officers stand accused of having had illegal business dealings in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The suspensions, arrests and detentions of the officers has generated widespread speculation, with some citizens and foreign analysts speculating that the officers may have been involved in a plan to carry out a coup d’état against the dictatorial regime of President Kagame.
We issue this statement to clarify the situation and to offer our opinion on the implications of this significant development for the people of Rwanda and the region.
According to our investigations, the suspensions, arrests and detention of the four officers have nothing to do with any imaginary failed military coup d’état. Neither do the suspensions, arrests and detention have anything to do with the alleged illegal business dealings in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The truth behind the suspensions, arrests and detentions instead relates to the Rwanda Government’s long standing policy of aggression aiming to perpetually destabilize and exploit the Eastern part of the DRC. This policy is implemented by arming and supporting proxy rebel groups and installing compliant civil authorities in the region. The rationale for this policy is to keep the DRC militarily weak and vulnerable to manipulation and blackmail, and to facilitate the illegal exploitation of its resources. As the proprietor of the major Rwandan business enterprises involved in business in Eastern DRC, President Kagame is the primary beneficiary of the Rwanda’s policy of subversion in Eastern DRC. Instability and volatility in the Eastern DRC serves the personal business interests of President Kagame and the strategic interests of the current dictatorship in Kigali. The maintenance of a chaotic, unstable and volatile atmosphere in the DRC makes it possible for President Kagame to maintain a military presence in Eastern DRC against the will and legitimate wishes of the people of the DRC and to operate freely in the areas as if Eastern DRC is not sovereign territory.
In furtherance of the policy to continue to destabilize and exploit the eastern part of the DRC, President Kagame have over the recent past deployed large numbers of senior Rwanda Defence Forces personnel, including the above named four officers, on multiple missions into the DRC to organize the rigging of elections of local and regional government authorities. The four officers were jointly responsible for the plan. Unfortunately, the subversive activities of the Rwanda government and the frequent visits of RDF officers in particular came to the knowledge of DRC’s President Kabila. Armed with overwhelming evidence of the above mentioned subversive activities, President Kabila reportedly confronted President Kagame over the presence and activities of RDF officers on DRC territory.
The alleged suspension and detention of the four officers aims to simply create a diversion because President Paul Kagame approved the operations and deployment of the four and many other members of the Rwanda Defence Forces in the DRC beforehand. The activities of the four officers on DRC territory would otherwise be an indication of Kagame’s loss of control over the army. The allegations of the officers’ involvement in business dealings with civilians in the DRC are a cover-up. The civilians (such as Mr. Safari, Mr. Mabati and Mr. Muzungu) who have been arrested alongside the military leaders are local administration officials and not businessmen. If anybody ought to be held accountable for crimes relating to smuggling from the DRC and the illegal exploitation of the resources of the DRC, it should be President Kagame, the employees of his personal businesses and his close business associates. Private companies owned by President Kagame or by very close business associates of General Kagame are still operating between Rwanda and the Eastern DRC. We have no doubt that the suspended military officers will, in conformity with past practice, be quietly released and reintegrated into the military as soon as international attention towards the illegal activities of the Rwanda Government in the DRC wanes. General Ibingira was similarly put under house arrest in 1995 after the Kibeho massacres of internally displaced persons for which he was responsible.
We take the opportunity of these recent developments to reiterate our opposition to President Kagame’s use of the institutions and instruments of the state to promote his personal business and financial interests. We also once again draw to the attention of the people of Rwanda, the peoples and governments of neighboring states and the wider international community to the grave consequences of the Rwanda Government’s campaign of destabilization and exploitation of the DRC. We call upon the international community to condemn President Kagame’s policies of subversion against the DRC. These policies perpetuate instability and suffering in the DRC, continue to poison relations between the peoples of both countries and future generations and are such counter to the long term interests of the people of the Great Lakes region as a whole.
Lausanne, Switzerland
Dr. Nkiko Nsengimana
Co-ordinator,
FDU-Inkingi Co-ordination Committee

Washington D.C., USA
Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa
Co-ordinator
RNC Interim Committee

RWANDA:Beaucoup de nos compatriotes s’insurgent aujourd’hui contre le président sud-africain Jacob Zuma.

By Patrick Mbeko Beaucoup de nos compatriotes s’insurgent aujourd’hui contre le président sud-africain Jacob Zuma. Un compatriote a même affirmé tout bonnement que « Zuma a trahit le combat de Mandela. » Ahurissant! La plupart de nos compatriotes ne comprennent pas encore le film d’horreur qui se déroule dans notre pays et le rôle assigné à certains pays africains (comme l’Afrique du Sud) par les « maîtres » depuis la fin de la guerre froide. Ceux qui sont surpris par l’attitude du président Zuma ne réalisent pas encore le rôle particulier que joue l’Afrique du Sud dans la déstabilisation de la RDC. Je l’ai dit à maintes reprises ici : l’Afrique du Sud est le bras exécutant de la politique américaine dans la région. Ce n’est pas seulement le président Zuma qu’il faut fustiger mais avant et surtout Nelson Mandela, cet homme de l’establishment, un des plus grands valets du système au début des années 90, que certains inconscients en Afrique considèrent encore comme leur héros. La plupart des Africains ne se sont jamais demandé pourquoi les Occidentaux et les tenants de l’Apartheid ont souvent louangé ce type. Pourquoi ne l’ont-ils pas fait pour Lumumba, Nkrumah, Sankara, etc.? Pourquoi Julius Malema, le président de l’aile jeunesse de l’ANC, ose affirmer que son héros est bien Robert Mugabe et non Mandela? Les têtes occupées par le discours dominant reproduisent les clichés des maîtres. Que voulez-vous chers amis? Mandela a joué le sous-traitant des Américains dans leur politique de remodelage des Grands Lacs. Son gouvernement est le premier à livrer des armes au Rwanda à la veille de l’agression contre le Zaïre. Avant d’entamer la conquête diabolique du Zaïre, Kagame s’est rendu en Afrique du Sud obtenir la « bénédiction » de son aîné Mandela. Pis, il s’est rendu à Washington, où on lui conseilla d’aller au plus vite en Israël, pour qu’il ait l’assurance que le Mossad et les forces spéciales, qui constituent l’armature de la sécurité de Mobutu, garderont bien l’arme au pied. Pendant les négociations à Outenika, Mandela avait dépêché en secret Nicholas Davenport et un autre responsable d’Anglo-American, négocier avec l’AFDL pour le compte des compagnies sud-africaines qui avaient perdu leur contrat au profit de l’AMFI de J-R Boulles. Après la seconde invasion rwando-burundo-ougandaise parrainée par les USA et les multinationales, Mandela et les autres « nègres de service » de son gouvernement appuyèrent encore le Rwanda. Lorsque l’Angola, le Zimbabwe et la Namibie volèrent au secours de L-D Kabila, l’Afrique du Sud se garda d’intervenir (alors que l’organe de sécurité de la SADC le demande en cas d’agression contre un pays membre) et demanda secrètement à l’Angola de ne pas intervenir aux côtés de Kabila. Mugabe, un vrai combattant de la liberté, traitera Mandela « d’hypocrite ». Durant les négociations à Sun City, ce sont encore les Sud-africains (qui soutenaient le Rwandais, donc le RCD-GOMA) qui conseillèrent à Tshisekedi de se rendre au Rwanda, histoire de légitimer les infiltrés du RCD-GOMA dans nos institutions.

Jacob Zuma ne fait que poursuivre dans notre pays une politique de rapine que Mandela a amorcée et que Mbeki a fortement soutenue...

DRC:Etienne Tshisekedi. Et si l’Enfer était aussi lui-même !

Auteur:Nicaise Kibel'Bel Oka

Etienne Tshisekedi en 2000-photo Wikipédia

« Je dirai à Tshisekedi d’être membre d’une opposition constructive pour le bien-être du Congo ». Cette phrase, en terme de conseil gratuit, de l’Ambassadeur belge D. Struye à Etienne Tshisekedi au lendemain de son auto proclamation « président de la RDC », est une leçon de pédagogie.
Etre membre d’une opposition constructive, voilà la dure réalité que devrait accepter Etienne Tshisekedi. Car, au-delà de l’autoglorification, elle montre que notre leader ne travaille pas pour une opposition constructive. Mais comment peut-on devenir membre d’une opposition constructive quand on s’appelle Tshisekedi wa Mulumba ?
Et quand on se considère comme l’Alpha et l’Oméga de l’opposition démocratique au Congo ?
Etienne Tshisekedi, c’est un peu comme celui qui sème au hasard la joie et les désastres ; gouverne tout et ne répond de rien, appliquant les mêmes méthodes depuis Mobutu.
La phrase de l’ambassadeur Struye me plonge dans les années 90, près de dix-huit années passées.
Fin 1993. Au sortir d’un déjeuner d’échanges offert aux ambassadeurs de la troïka occidentale par Léon Moukanda Lunyama, patron du groupe de presse Umoja à sa résidence de la commune de Makala/Kinshasa, l’un des ambassadeurs déclara : « Etienne Tshisekedi ne sera jamais président du Zaïre ». J’encaissai la frappe et la notai intacte dans le rôle que je jouais, celui de l’Assistant de mon Boss. Le lendemain, Léon Moukanda rendit compte à qui de droit.
Toute personnalité qui sort d’entretien avec Tshisekedi admire sa détermination mais implore son irréalisme politique. Tshisekedi n’a jamais été homme d’Etat.
Cette triste et dure réalité qui pondit la troisième voie fit beaucoup de dégâts dont le plus important restera la fin tragique du quotidien Umoja qui totalement et spirituellement acquis d’abord à l’homme Tshisekedi, ne sut s’adapter à la nouvelle donne politique.

Mobutu entouré de ses plus proches collaborateurs dont Tshisekedi en costume

Etienne Tshisekedi, la soixantaine d’âge, était au faîte de sa gloire devant un Mobutu amorti et vilipendé par tous. Pourquoi ne lui avait-on pas donné (l’occasion) de gestion du Zaïre ? Et, peut-être, empêcher l’avènement de l’AFDL ?
L’Enfer, c’est les autres avait écrit JP Sartre et inversement, l’Enfer, c’est aussi soi-même.
Le conseil gratuit de l’ambassadeur D. Struye à Tshisekedi wa Mulumba, soixante-dix- neuf ans d’âge, rappelle des évidences que souvent on semble oublier, ou on feint d’ignorer.

1. Il ne suffit pas d’avoir le don d’enflammer des foules pour prétendre assumer le destin de tout un peuple.
2. La popularité peut ne pas être synonyme de compétence ou d’efficacité. Les bains de foule, ce n’est pas ce qui élit.

Oscar Wilde a noté que « ce n’est pas en payant ses factures qu’on peut espérer survivre dans la mémoire d’un commerçant ». J’ajouterai d’une prostituée. Parmi les foules qui applaudissent le leader, peut-être il y a des cadavres qui jugulent dans cette sorte de folie de libérateur du Congo. Qui sait ? Forcé de vociférer et de pérorer jusqu’à la fin, Tshisekedi wa Mulumba a été missionné pour dénoncer la corruption et la dictature. Et pour cela, il restera éternellement vrai.
Reste alors un conseil, l’honneur d’un pays et de ses ressortissants, on ne le défend pas nécessairement et obligatoirement par le verbe. Il n’a pas trouvé mieux.
Peut-on conclure que Tshisekedi wa Mulumba ne rassure pas ? Et pourquoi l’opposant historique, le leader maximo, le sphinx de Limete serait-il incapable de rassurer les partenaires et autres opérateurs politiques … et économiques ?
Je prends le risque de répondre : « parce que ses yeux avaient vu ce qu’ils ne devaient pas voir ». Cela n’engage que moi. Si cela est certain, alors Etienne Tshisekedi restera une victime vivante de l’impérialisme à la différence de Patrice Lumumba et de Laurent Kabila qui, eux sont des héros parce que assassinés par le bourreau impérialiste. Et Tshisekedi le sait mieux que quiconque.
Nicaise Kibel’Bel Oka

RWANDA:A Rwandan Scholar, Prof Charles Kambanda provides a thoughtful and thorough critique of the Rwandan Leadership

  by Malik Azaad 2

 

 

 

 

 

 

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The Rwandan government deals with criticism in only one way – character assassination of the critic, whether friendly or foe. In other words: kill the messenger. This will not do. Case in point, is the following thorough and thoughtful writing, that should have the Rwandan authorities pause for thought.

Rwanda’s Presidential Advisor and Army Spokesperson are Amiss on Government Critics
Charles KM KAMBANDA, PhD
Rwanda’s presidential advisor, Professor Nshuti Manasseh, and the army spokesperson, Col. Jill Rutaremeara, are on crusade in Rwanda’s New Times newspaper to respond to Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa and other critics. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, Dr. Rudasingwa, Col. Karegeya and Dr. Gahima are former army chief, chief of staff, intelligence chief and Attorney General, respectively. These former senior government officials are among the founders of a new opposition political party. Rwanda National Congress (RNC). The four former close associates of President Paul Kagame, in their Rwanda Briefing accuse President Kagame’s government of, inter alia, corruption, failure to set up an objective power sharing framework among the three ethnic groups of Rwanda, lack of political space, gross abuse of human rights, terrorizing Rwandans and destabilizing Congo (DRC) for the President’s personal interest. The government of Rwanda has a right and a duty to respond to such serious allegations. Like other Rwandans, Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa and his colleagues have a right to critique the government.
Professor Nshuti Manasseh, by virtue of being a presidential advisor, is a public servant. The army spokesperson, Col. Jill Rutaremara is a serving military senior officer. Whatever Professor Nshuti Manasseh and Col Rutaremara say, do or omit over an issue of public concern becomes public policy. The two government officials have a right to speak on behalf of the government. However, each is barred from partisan politics. The ideal response from the presidential advisor and army spokesperson may not reflect personal sentiments and mustn’t attack individuals that decide to claim their constitutional rights. Ordinary people like Gen. Kayumba and other critics of Rwandan government, in the exercise of their constitutional rights, are allowed even to make serious good faith mistakes in their analysis of issues of national concern. Whereas Rwandan Briefing, a document by private citizens asserting their constitutional rights, is at liberty even to be erroneous, no slight recklessness, negligence or inaccuracy are permitted in the presidential advisor and army spokesperson’s response to the same because the latter represent the super-institution, the government.
The government of Rwanda’s response to allegations in Rwanda Briefing is also contained in a series of letters published by a Rwandan newspaper, the New Times. The authors of these letters, Professor Nshuti Manasseh and Col. Jill Rutaremara, have so far concentrate on explaining the childhood experiences and private life of the authors of  Rwanda Briefing, the relationship between the authors of Rwanda Briefing with Democratic Front for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) and United Democratic Front (FDU). The substantive accusations against the government flaunted in Rwanda Briefing have not been addressed yet.
Corruption allegation
Authors of Rwanda Briefing allege specific examples of what they perceive of as corruption in Rwandan government. First, they argue that the President flies on expensive jets that were bought from public funds but now owned by the President’s own political party, Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). That President Kagame, his family and/or some friends’ trip costs on the jets are charged on Rwandan tax payers’ money exorbitantly. The jets are allegedly fixed with anti missile gargets. It is alleged that the jets are registered in South Africa under a private company owned by Rwandan senior public servants and RPF politicians. Secondly, Rwanda Briefing alleges that RPF business companies are involved in, in-house dealing and public coffer siphoning. Rwandans have a right to know the truth of this accusation. The government is obligated to present a systematic answer indicating whether or not the jets exist. If the jets exist, the government of Rwanda should demonstrate whether or not the President uses those jets. If the president, his family or friends use the jets, the government has a duty to explain the process by which a private company was hired to provide such a service to their president. Rwandans deserve to know why the government chose to hire presidential jet(s) than purchasing the same. Rwandans should be informed of who purchased the jets. The source of funds for the purchase of these jets cannot be concealed from Rwandans. It would do good for RPF to inform Rwandans about all RPF business companies and associates that do business with the government. How many government tenders do RPF business companies and associates win every year? What is the momentary value of those tenders? Are there other business companies out side RPF wining government tenders? Which ones are they? If RPF has business companies doing business with government, how does President Kagame government deal with this apparently in-house dealing? These are legitimate questions to which Rwandans must get precise and concise answers. The childhood experiences, private life, or social-political relationship, of a person who raises such issues of national concern, whether Rwandan or not, is immaterial.
Allegation of RPF failure to share power
Gen. Kayumba and other authors of Rwanda Briefing allege that the Hutu and Twa are systematically excluded from the power and authority mantle of Rwanda. An allegation of this nature appears serious especially because all the authors are former government senior policy makers. Secondly, all the authors of Rwanda Briefing are Tutsi. The government is duty bound to explain the status quo of Rwandan government power sharing framework. For example, the government ought to show an unambiguous representation of the Tutsi, Hutu and Twa in the top military ranks. The government should exhibit, with statistics, the Tutsi, Hutu and Twa representation in cabinet and ministerial high offices, parliament, judiciary, foreign envoys, police ranks, national commissions, governors and mayors. The government of Rwanda cannot be allowed to argue that ethnic groups do not exist in Rwanda. In previous weeks, the government sanctioned a list of Hutu that saved Tutsi during the genocide. Compilation of a nation-wide list of the Hutu who are said to have saved the Tutsi during the genocide is acknowledgement that the Hutu as an ethnic group exist and are identifiable. Since the Hutu as an ethnic group (who saved or did not save the Tutsi) exists, it follows that the Tutsi ethnic group (who were saved by the Hutu) also exist and are ascertainable. Needless to mention, the Twa exist as a group. If the government can sanction a list of the Hutu who saved the Tutsi, how much easier is it for the government to present Rwandans with statistics on ethnic representation at all levels of public administration?
The allegation that President Kagame’s government has sealed off any meaningful political opposition in the country and that Rwandan government is involved in gross human rights violation and terrorism against the people it is meant to protect are not light accusations. The government as a custodian of democratic values ought to address the issue substantively.
Is it Inaccuracy, recklessness, negligence or deceitfulness?
In its issue number 14564 article 39148, the Rwandan New Times newspaper published Professor Nshuti Manasseh’s letter. He argued that General Kayumba and other authors of Rwanda Briefing are FDLR and FDU allies. The Professor’s reasoning is that FDLR is a listed terrorist organization by both United States of America (US) and United Nations (UN). That leader of FDU (Victoire Ingabire) is in court on terrorism charges. Any person or group that has any relationship with either FDU or FDLR is a terrorist by extension. This analysis is legally and contextually flawed. First, there is no crime by analogy. Second, US list of terrorist organizations is a public document. The list is accessible for all purposes at http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/other/des/123085.htm. This list does not include FDLR. Third, United Nations (UN) has never compiled a list of terrorist organizations. A document becomes UN policy when it is adopted by any UN organ. The Professor apparently argues that a UN panel of experts report accused FDLR of various international crimes. However, UN panel of experts report does not represent UN official position until it is adopted by one of the UN organs. Panels of experts are mere consultants whose findings are only legitimized by adoption. No UN organ has legitimized such a report against FDLR. Third, FDU leader’s contested trial in Rwanda for any crime is not conviction. A government senior officer, like Professor Nshuti Manasseh, may not deprive anybody of their constitutional innocence. Shouldn’t Professor Nshuti Manasseh have been a little anxious to get these facts right prior to writing as a Presidential advisor and a professor? Isn’t the presidential advisor prying into the job of Judges?
Demeaning citizens
The presidential advisor and army spokesperson of Rwanda refer to the four former top government officials who opted out of RPF as renegades. Renegades are traitors and/or betrayers. Citizens pay allegiance to the country not to individuals. It is unconstitutional for the government to name-call citizens who are exercising their constitutional rights and freedoms. The four former senior government officials joined RPF and/or RPA as free agents. Isn’t logical, legal and ethical that exit from RPF/RPA should be left to their free will? The four former officials’ choice to opt out of RPF/RPA and associate with other organizations should be accorded the constitutional merit it deserves. Renegade is a humiliating and incriminating term that expresses lack of tolerance and violation of people’s fundamental rights. Government, as a custodian of public values and virtue, is not allowed to debase citizens. Name-calling is a socialization tool for infants. Adults who lack intellectual equipment to identify and discuss issues often resort to name-calling. However, this childhood tool is not available for public officials acting in their official capacity.
The way forward
The standard for analysis of what public officials say over issues of public concern is objective and higher for ordinary persons who seek to assert their constitutional rights against the government. Attacking the person who asserts his rights is an improper approach for public officials even when the right is asserted in an unconventional way. Democratic values like tolerance, accountability, equity require of public officials to desist personalizing official issues. Future Rwandan leaders deserve a legacy of political civility. Going personal on national issues is a manifestation of a culture of political incivility.
Done on this 23rd day of March 2011
Charles KM KAMBANDA, Dip.Phil., BA., LLB., MA.ETPM., MBA., MA.HRTs., .LLM, PhD
St. John’s University Law School
LLM Center
New York, US

RWANDA: INDAGU ZA MAGAYA NA DOMITILLA (THE PROPHECY OF MAGAANE AND DOMITILLA PREDICTING WHAT HOW THE REGIMES WILL SUCCEED EACH OTHER IN RWANDA SINCE THE TUTSI MONARCHY)

Indagu za Magayane na Mama Domitila

from Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr :

(theorusi_Fabi" <rusincizatheo@yahoo.fr)

Hari umuvandimwe uherutse kungezaho igitekerezo cya Magayane, akigereranya n;ubuhamya bwa Maman Domitilla, nsanga ari ngombwa ko nabigeza kubasomyi ba DHR; Yatangiye agira ati:"muribuka ko Magayane;umugabo wavukiye muri préfecture ya Ruhengeri;yavuze byinshyi ku mahano azabera mu Rwanda, ntibyatinze byose byarabaye, twese tubibona,kandi abenshyi barabisuzuguraga ngo ntashyingiro bifite. Mu byo yavuze ,akaza no kubizira, akabifungirwa muri Prison spéciale ya Ruhengeri, twafatamo ibyingenzi bikurikira:

• Uguhunga kwa Kanyarengwe Alexis wari numero DEUX du Pays
• Ugufungwa kwa Bwana Lizinde Théoneste wari ushyinzwe iperereza rikuru ry,igihugu kimwe n;ukurekurwa kwe nyuma yuko igiti kiri imbere yiyo Gereza cyumiye n;ihene ikinjira muri iyo Gereza.
• Intambara ikomeye izaba mu Rwanda, kandi hagapfa abantu benshi cyane, akihanangiriza abantu ko mu guhunga Kigali, ko bazirinda kunyura amajyaruguru, kuko abazanyura iyo nzira bose bazahura nibyago bikomeye cyane(mwiboneye amakuba abo bantu bahuye nayo, cyane cyane bava muri Kigali, ndetse biza kuba urudubi bageze i Goma, aho 100.000 isaga byajye kwicwa na Cholera, ndetse muri 1996, baza kwicirwa mu ma kambi nk,uwica ibimonyo)aha service zimwe zemeza ko hapfiriye hafi 1000.OOO Z,abaturage b,inzira-karengane, abandi bakaza kugwa mu mashyamba.
• Magayane yivugiye ko ubutegetsi bw,umugore nibugera mu bushorishori ,Habyarimana ake kazaba kageze, ntibyatinze, Mme Agatha yabaye Premier Ministre, ibyakurikiyeho mwarabibonye.
• Magayane arongera ati:Habyarimana azicwa n,inyamaswa y,ihembe rimwe(aha yivugiraga "Missille")ariko abantu ntibashyatse kubyumva. Yongeyemo ati Urwanda ruzategekwa n,umuntu uturutse hanze,kandi akazategeka igihe kingana n;umwero w;amasaka(aha yashakaga kuvuga imyaka itandatu Bizimungu yategetse)
• Arongera ati:Kigali izasigara ituwe na mbarwa, kandi umuntu ajye kurahura i Kantarange, Urwanda rutuwe n,ibihunyira; ndakeka ko ibi byose mwabyiboneye.

 Maman Domitilla:
Maman Domitilla nawe, ukomoka i Murenge ho muri Zaire mu buhamya bwe, akimara gupfa akajyanwa mu ijuru, akaza kuzuka, akagaruka nyuma y,iminsi 4, yazanye ubutumwa bugaragara, kandi bwo kwitonderwa. Mu gice cya nyuma mu buhamya bwe aragira ati:

• Ibi mvuga nibyo nabwiwe ndi mu ijuru, nasabwe kutagira icyo nongeraho; nicyo nkuramo,kandi ko ngomba kubibwira abantu bose, bagahinduka inzira zikigendwa.
• Aho avuga ngo"anti-christ"ni umwe mu bategetsi Urwanda rufite,ukomeye cyane; utavuguruzwa ,bita Afandi Pc; nkurikije uko uyu mugabo twaganiriye yabinsobanuriye. Yemeza ko Anti-christ ari umuntu tubana. Inyamaswa iri ku gise avuga, ikanatera imbabazi ni ugutabariza abana b;abanyarwanda, aho bababwira ko bafite intsyo zizatsya amasaka bejeje, kandi ko azaborohereza guhunga, bakwanga akabamenesha cg se akabatoneka.
• Avuga ko anti-Christ ahabwa ububashya n;abantu bari kuri iyi si(aha yansobanuriye ko ari COMMUNAUTE INTRANTIONALE imutera inkunga, cyane cyane igihe yafashye bamwe ikabazirika amaboko, abandi ikabaha ibirwanishyo;abandi ni nka ba Museveni bamushyigikiye kimwe nabo bise ibyitso bamukorera, ariko ingaruka zabo bose ntizatinze kugaragara)
• Aravuga ko iyo nzoka isa namwe mwese,ikaba ifite amayeri menshyi(guhimbira inzira-karengane amakosa batigeze bakora, kandi amahanga yose akabyemera;akanakingira ikibaba abagizi ba nabi ngo batazajya kuburanishwa muri TIPR)
• Aho avuga ngo "Langi tatu": -Umweru: Uwo muntu azababeshya ngo azanye amahoro;ahagritse ubwicanyi,itsembatsemba n;itsembabwoko;ibintu byiza byinshyi(amazu=kubohoza)bose bamuyoboke,kandi anafashye benshyi,bati dore uwo twari dutegereje! -Umutuku: Niyo yazana amahoro ate, azaba yaramennye amaraso y,inzirakarengane nyinshyi, zitagira kirengera;kandi azakomeza kumena andi menshi y,abera(nawe se murebe amaraso y,abatutsi bari mu Rwanda bitwa ngo impamvu batapfuye ni uko bakoranaga n,interahamwe;amaraso y,aba Perezida 2 BOSE hamwe n,abafashya babo,inzirakarengane za Byumba; Kigali;Nyakinama(grotte);Nyamutera-Gitarama;Kibeho-Kinigi;Giciye n;ahandi; ntavuze imirambo yanamye mu mashyamba ya Zaire(Tingi-tingi;Ubundu;Masisi; KISANGANI_Mbandaka(wendji);mu makambi n,ahandi henshi ntarondoye...);ukubitereho amaraso y,Intama z,Imana :Abasenyeri 4 BOSE; abapadiri iryaguye; ababikira, abapasitoro n;izindi ntama z,Imana z,ubwoko bwose; ariko ngo abazaniye amahoro! UMUKARA: Ngo niyo yakora ibyiza ate abeshya,isi ikamuyoboka;ikamuramya; azaba mubi kurusha abayobozi bose bamubanjirije(abategetsi bose baranze Urwanda)
• -Guhambwa kwiyo nyamaswa igicye kimwe:Anti-CHRIST akora yihishe inyuma y;abantu kuko akiboshwe(aha yihishya inyuma y;abitwa abategetsi b;abahutu nka Pasteur Bizimungu n;abandi bameze nkawe, akikorera ibyo ashyatse, bikitirirwa bo, kimwe n;amahanga yamufashije gusoza umugambi we wo kwanga amasezerano ya Arusha ku mugaragaro.KANDI WARI UGAMIJE AMAHORO nyakuri. -Ntiyakora kumugaragaro:anariyo mpamvu asenya amashyaka yose ashyira mu gaciro;agatera ubwoba za Eglises zose anariko afunga abayobozi bayo, akanafunga akirukana za "ONG"; akanyereza bamwe mu bavugisha ukuri nk,abacamanza dont les Nkubito, Cyiza;Alype n;amashirahamwe arengera ikiremwa-muntu yose agatotezwa; kugira ngo adashira ahagaragara ibibi bikorwa n;ubutegetsi Ibyo byose ngo bizakomeza kugeza igihe Yezu azamushirira ahagaragara, natikosora ngo ahe abana b,Urwanda amahoro, kuko abababaye aribenshyi cyane, kandi uburakari bw;Imana buri hafi kwigaragaza.
• Inyanja itukura: Azakora ibimuguye neza ngo arambe ku ngoma; ariko amaherezo azatabwa mu muliro; ariyo nyanja yaka umuliro ajye kuba hamwe n,umuhanuzi w;ikinyoma.
• Naho mu gitabo cya AMOSI;inzara avuga , si inzara y,ibiryo, si inzara y,ibinyobwa, ahubwo ni inyota n,inzara byo kumenya ukuri ku byabaye mu Rwanda, bikajya ahagaragara, enquetes zigenga zigakorwa, abateguye umugambi mubishya bakamenyekana, bakajya ku karubanda;bagakanirwa urubakwiye; kuko Yezu ubwe yivugiye ngo "ibiboshwe ku isi; no mu ijuru bizaba biboshywe"kandi ukuri kuri hafi kugaragara. Nti mumbaze ngo hasigaye igihe kingana iki; kuko Imana ifite ingenga-bihe yayo n;ukuntu iyibara. Icyo nzi ni uko ukuri kuzamenyekana,kandi abanyarwanda bagakizwa, bakoroherana; bakababarirana; ariko bazi neza amavu n;amavuko yibyateye amahano yabahekuye. Ngibyo ibisobanuro nahawe n;inararibonye, kandi ushyishoza; akanashira mu kuri. Igihe kirageze rero ngo abana b;Urwanda baruhuke imiborogo; bature kandi batuze; ariko baze bibuka kubishyimira Imana yo yaboherereje ubwo butumwa ibucishije ku bajya bayo. Imana ishimwe iteka ryose. Amen

 

 

 

BASOMYI MWESE DUHURIYE KULI IZI MBUGA: NIFUJE KUBAGEZAHO IBYO NZI KU BUHANUZI BWA MAGAYANE, NKABA NSABA INKUNGA BAGENZI BANJYE AHO BARI HOSE KUNYUNGANIRA KUKO MULI AMOSI 3:7 IMANA YARAVUZE NGO: NTA KIZABA NTABANJE KUGIHISHULIRA ABAHANUZI.

MAGAYANE YARI UMUGABO UFITE IMPANO Y' UBUHANUZI, AKABA YARAKOMOKAGA MU KARERE BITAGA UBUKONYA, KOMINI YA GATONDE, MU RUHENGERI. MBERE YUKO MVUGA IBYO YAHANURIYE ABANDI, DORE IBYO YIHANURIYE UBWE:

                                     Perefe Zigiranyirazo muramu wa Habyarimana akimara kwumva ko nta kabuza abatutsi bari hanze bazafata urwanda, nyuma ariko ngo bakazarwirukanwamo n' umuzungu warubahaye, Zigiranyirazo yatse insinzi, Magayane ati kereka Habyarimana yeguye igihugu akagiha abanyenduga kuko nibo bazi amacenga y' abatutsi, bityo mwebwe mukicara. Zigiranyirazo yavuze ko bafunga Magayane, Magayane akigera mu buroko 1930 yabwiye uwamutekeraga ati: ku wa kane nzapfa maze kurya imboga. Niko byagenze. kuko yahawe i mboga z' isogo  yakundaga jeudi yitaba imana. Yanabwiye n' uwo musoda wamutekeraga ko azagwa mu maguru y' abagore, niko byabaye uwo musore yagiye gusambanya umugore w' undi mugabo, ategerwa kw' irembo bamutsinda aho. 

Ibyo yahanuriye abandi ni ibi: yabwiye ambasaderi Kagenza Alphonse muli nzeli 1972 ko Kayibanda uzengurutse urwanda rwose ngo aribuka isabukuru y' imyaka 10 y'ubwigenge ko ariho asezera ku banyarwanda ko nta myaka itatu azamara ategeka, ko nategura n' imva ye itazaboneka.

Yabwiye Kanyarengwe alexis ko azahunga akambuka Akagera, akagaruka arwana, akazitwa umutegetsi wa nyirarureshywa, akabona ibibi n' ibyiza, nyuma agapfa adahinnwe azize indara-mabuno.

Yavuze ko hari abazungu bagiye gufungirwa mu Ruhengeri, abandi b' abatasi bazabakurikira bakagwa kuli Muhungwe byarabaye, abacanshuro bashatse gufata Congo banyuze i Goma en 1978 surete ya Lizinde yari ikaze ibata muli yombi bafatirwa mu mahoteli ku Gisenyi, bafungiwe mu Ruhengeri, nyuma yaho abandi bakoreye plan yo gufata Rwanda na Congo byombi muli parc y' i birunga i Rwindi (congo),baje mu Rwanda n' ibyuma kabuhariwe bifotora, indege ibagusha muli komini Kanama(bugoyi- gisenyi) hafi ya Muhungwe.

 Magayane yahamagariwe gukora animation bamamaza, banacengeza amatwara ya muvoma, ati: uwabyiniye Nkubitoyimanzi Rudahigwa, na bwenge nyakuli Kayibanda, ntiyabyinira muvoma izanywe n' abungura bazubika u Rwanda.

Bourgmestre Kabalira yahise amufungira mu kasho amuziza gupfobya MRND, akanatuka prezida wayo ngo ni umwungura w' umushyushya. Nyuma y' icyumweru baramurekuye, Magayane abwira Kabalira ati: kumfungira ubusa kwawe nawe uzafungirwa ahatava izuba. Bwarakeye basanga Kabalira yarariye imisanzu ya MRND, yafungiwe muli prison special mu ruhengeri.

 Magayane yabwiye Theoneste Lizinde ati: ugiye kuzafunganwa n' abantu bambaye utubuye tubengerana ku ntugu, mukazashyirwa aho wajyaga ufungira abandi. Bwarakeye Lizinde avumbura imashini yakoraga amafranga, iyo mashini yari ihuriweho na Majyambere n' ibindi bikomerezwa. Lizinde abigejeje i bukuru, bati uyu muntu azabwira abanyamahanga akari i murore bati: tumwohereze Zimbabwe, navayo tuti yateguraga coup d' etat, ahite afungwa.

Yabwiye Lizinde ati ikimenyetso cy' ifungwa ryawe n' umwana uzabyarwa na madame Habyarimana ari ikimara. Byarabaye uwo mwana avukira mu bubiligi ari ikimara (baramuhishaga) nta cyumweru cyahise Lizinde atabwa muli yombi. Magayane ati Lizinde nufungurwa n' ingabo zizaturuka hanze, uzicarana nazo akanya gato, uzahunga, zizagutsinda hanze.

 Magayane yabwiye adjudant chef wayoboraga gereza ya Ruhengiri witwaga Sembagare ati: uri igikenya ntuzisazira. Bwarakeye ajya iwabo i muramba-gisenyi, inkuba itagira amazi iramwasa.

Magayane yabwiye undi muyobozi w' iyo gereza adjudat Cyarahani ati:uzicirwa muli iyi prison, umwaga wawe uzashirira aha.

Yabwiye abanyururu bagenzi be ati: iyi myenda mubona y' umukara twambaye izasimbuzwa ibara ribengerana( rose) yarongeye ati: ibohozwa ry' iyi prison rizabanziriwa no kumwa kw' iki giti cy' inganzamarumbu mubona imbere ya gereza, ati hano munzu ndani hazinjira ihene izaherekeza abashyitsi. Bwarakeye igiti kiriyumisha, naho ubwo musenyeri Nsengiyumva yasuraga gereza ya Ruhengeri,bibagiwe gukinga ihene irabinjirana, nijoro bumva iramena amasafuriya irya ubugali

Magayane ati : ngicyo ikimenyetso mwatashye, mais abazahungira Rwabeya muzashira. Abahungiye Rwabeya-musanze bahuye n' abacodo ba Mukamira baje kubohoza Ruhengeri, babamenaho urusoro babita inyenzi

Kubera atahwemye kwikoma ingoma ya kinani, byateye ubwobo abayobozi ba gereza ya Ruhengeri, bahitamo kumushyikiriza ibiro by' ipererza ngo yisobanure. Yasabye ko Habyara n' ibyegera bye baza, maze ubuhanuzi bufatwa kuli za cassettes buranandikwa. dore uko yavuze:
 Wowe Habyarimana ndagukandagiye ugiye kugwa ku kibuga gikikijwe n' imfunzo kandi  nupfa Kigali izuzuramo intumbi agahiryi. Ibimenyetso n' abazungu bazaza kugukanga nawe uzashyira mu bitugu byawe mu bushorishori umugore w'umugambanyi, Inyamaswa y' ihembe limwe izaba ibiyogoza mu rukiga na ndorwa, iyo nyamaswa izakwira urwanda imena amaraso menshi, izaguhitana nta kabuza, keretse weguye.

 Habyara ati shaka insinzi: Magayane ati ntayo, ati ubutegetsi bwawe buzafatwa nabo bavantara, bazigera kino gihugu, nyuma bazakivanwamo nk' ubufindo. Magayane ati: uzasimburwa na Rusukumo ruzamara amezi atatu, hakurikireho Bihwahwa wo ku ruzi rw' iwanyu, nyuma ye ngo hazategeka Rwabujindiri rurya ntiruhage; uwo Rwabujindiri azajegezwa ihembe inshuro enye,  ihirikwa rya Rwabujindiri rizagenda ritya:

Magayane ati: azaraswa umwambi w' igishirira na bene-nyina ari mu Bugesera nyuma  hazameneka andi maraso menshi, noneho rutuku wamuhaye ubutegetsi ashyireho umusaza usheshe akanguhe uzaba ari inyuma y' igihugu azane ihumure, acyure rukara rw' igisage ruzabyinirwa bigatinda.

Abantu bazaba baragiye ishyanga bose batahuke, habeho umunezero n' uburumbuke n' amahoro ya nyayo.

                                                       

Uko bizamera ingoma ya Rwabujindiri igeze  mu marembera: hazabaho isubiranamo ry' abiyicaje ku ntebe. Hazabaho inzara, agahili n' agahinda, no kwiyahura. Hazabaho urwikekwe yewe n' umwana azatinya se na nyina ; hazabaho amalira yuzuye intango ku bali mu bihome hazabaho ibisahira-nda birya akaribwa n' akataribwa, bazakora ibishoboka byose ngo batsinsure rwara rw' umugara rubundiye mu mashyamba, nyamara nabyutsa umugara igihuru kizabyara igihunyira. Bazafatanya n' anyamahanga, nyuma bibe zero, ahubwo intambara yongere itangire ikazahagarikwa na l' onu ya gatatu.

Magayane ati uwo rutuku uzaza agahagarara hagati y'abazaba barwana, niwe uzatoranya  umutegetsi.

Hazabaho inyoni z' uducurama zizarika mu biti by'abo biyicaje ku ntebe. Hazabaho ibika ry' isake isura urwimo ikigera ku mutambiko w' urusenge, hazabaho abandi bazahanura nkanjye bakabizira: hazabaho ihene izabyara isekurume indwi zange konka.

Umwami w' ishyamba azaza kwiba.  

Mwibuke ko Magayane yavuze ati: nimubona Kigali yuzuye amase atewe n' imyigaragambyo y' inka. muzamenye ko kinani yahirimye, kuko amase azasimbuzwa intumbi z' abantu. byarabaye mu kwa gatatu 1993, umugabo watswe igikingi yazanye inka ze kuli rond-point Kigali. Inka zacunzwe n' aba Gd  umugi wabaye umunuko kubera amase. Nyuma intumbi zasimbuye amase.

 Ikindi gikomeye yaravuze ati: Habyarimana nupfa, abantu bazahunga iki gihugu, ati aliko abazahungira mu majyaruguru y' uburengera-zuba bazapfamo benshi. koko abahungiye Goma, Mugunga, Kibumba, Katale, Kahindo basanze docteur ru....umututsi ukomoka ku kibuye uba mu bihugu byo hanze yakwije amarozi muli nord kivu, bayasigaga ku gisheke, irindazi, umuneke, ikijumba,ikigeli, bashyize no mu bigage, inzagwa,n' amasigara, imbaga yarahatikiye ngo ni kolera  daaa!

 Magayane yabisubiyemo inshuro itatu ati: aba bavantara baturutse i bugande bazafata kino gihugu nta kabuza, ati aliko bararye bali menge kuko bazakibavanamo kandi nabi. Ababizi bemeza ko abo mu kazu ka fpr imitungo yabo yambukijwe kera ikaba ili muli erythrea, ethiopie, afrika y' epfo, i burayi na amerika. mbese barasahura nkaho nta mizero bafitiye  u rwanda. 

Ubu buhanuzi mbukesha umwe mu bakozi b' ibiro by' iperereza bo hambere en 1978 wandikiraga kinani ibivuzwe na Magayane. Ukunyunganira kwanyu bizanshimisha.

 

Ntabwoba gregoire.

RWANDA: STATEMENT ON EXTRADITIONS, TRANSFERS AND DEPORTATIONS TO RWANDA

Theogene Rudasingwa

RWANDA NATIONAL CONGRESS
Full statement also available

Several jurisdictions have recently made decisions authorizing deportation, transfer or extradition of genocide suspects to Rwanda. On 27 October 2011, a decision by a Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) dismissed an application by Slyvere Ahorugeze against extradition to Rwanda on the ground that “he would not risk a flagrant denial of justice". In November 2011, the Appeals Chamber of the ICTR confirmed the transfer of Jean Bosco Uwinkindi to Rwandan courts. On 6 December 2011, the Canadian Immigration Service served Leon Mugesera with notification that he can be deported from Canada in accordance with a previous order of the Canadian Supreme Court. The United States has deported some individuals to Rwanda to face trial on genocide related charges. These recent decisions allowing transfer or extradition of suspects to Rwanda reverse a long established approach, set by decisions of a diverse range of courts of countries such as France, the United Kingdom, Finland, Germany and Switzerland that had previously refused extradition or expulsion of Rwandan suspects for security or fair trial concerns.

We understand the difficult dilemmas that the international community faces in handling Rwanda’s extradition requests for genocide suspects. States have an obligation to prosecute or extradite persons responsible for international crimes. No state should be a safe haven for perpetrators of genocide or other international crimes. Rwanda’s own, reconciliation, peace and long-term stability require accountability of persons responsible for atrocities without discrimination.

At the same time, however, governments and courts of law have an obligation to ensure that states to which to which they deport, transfer of extradite criminal suspects respect basic human rights principles in general, and guarantee respect of the right to a fair trial and provide protection from torture or ill-treatment in particular.

We recognize that each judicial decision is based strictly on the evidence adduced by the parties before the court. We have no reason to doubt that the decisions of the European Court for Human Rights and the Appeals Chamber ICTR have been made in good faith. Nevertheless, we strongly believe that the decisions are wrong, as they are based on extremely erroneous assessments of the human rights situation in Rwanda.

The Rwanda government is controlled by a clique of suspected war criminals that has turned Rwanda into a criminal state. Rwanda exhibits the outward manifestations of a democratic state, but is in reality a ruled by a dictatorship that does not respect the rule of law. The civilian institutions of the Rwandan state, including the judiciary, are in theory independent, but in practice subject to the absolute direction and control of the ruling party, the security services and the President of the Republic. As a result, Rwanda’s justice system cannot guarantee respect of the right to fair trial in accordance with international norms. Additionally, persons who are transferred or extradited to Rwanda face grave risks torture or ill-treatment.

We stress that we do not take a stand on the guilt or innocence of the persons whose cases we discuss in this statement or other Rwandese who are risk of being deported or extradited to Rwanda. The guilt or innocence of the persons concerned should be established by independent and impartial judicial institutions.

We reiterate our condemnation of the crime of genocide, and our unwavering support for accountability on those who are responsible for it and for other international crimes that were committed in Rwanda during the 1990s, including some of those run the current Government of Rwanda.

We believe, however, that even persons accused of genocide, the most heinous of crimes, deserve fair trial. The situation in Rwanda does not allow for fair trial of prominent genocide suspects, or opponents and critics of the current government.

On the basis of the grounds set out above, we call upon all governments to which the Government of Rwanda has addressed extradition requests:

(a) To stop all extraditions, deportations and transfers of Rwandan citizens to Rwanda;
(b) To arrange for the trial of Rwandans sought by the Government of Rwanda in their own countries or in other countries whose courts have universal jurisdiction for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide;
(c) To commission independent assessments of the human rights practices in Rwanda and to review their immigration policies and procedures in accordance with the prevailing human rights situation.
(d) To exert pressure on the Government of Rwanda to stop torture and persecution of government critics and human rights defenders, and to organize an open, inclusive and comprehensive national dialogue on how the country can transition to democracy.

We trust that mechanisms of administrative and judicial review of recent decisions relating to the question as to whether Rwanda is able to guarantee respect of the right to fair trial and protection of citizens from torture and ill-treatment will provide opportunities to redress the harm done by the decisions discussed in this statement.

Dr Theogene Rudasingwa
Coordinator, Interim Committee
Rwanda National Congress (RNC)
Washington , D.C
USA

Rwanda: new insights into the April 6, 1994 attack

  Written By Ruhumuza and adpated from JamboNews.net

Maps of the missile sites

On Tuesday, January 10, 2012, the experts that were appointed by the judges Trevidic and Poux revealed their findings with regard to the investigation into the culprit of the terrorist attack of 6 April 1994 that particularly took away the lives of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and his counterpart President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi.
In front of an audience of thirty people including the plaintiffs, the defense counsel of the suspects (RPF members close to President Paul Kagame) and the prosecutors, the experts shared their findings at the High Court of Paris before an attentive audience.
For nearly 4 hours, from 2pm to 6pm, the judge Trevidic, along with Nathalie Poux, the second judge in this case, introduced the report of over 300 pages.
But the main content was presented by the experts who were present for the occasion. One after another, expert surveyor, expert in explosives, expert in arms, expert in aviation and expert in acoustics, who joined the investigation team, gave to the audience their conclusions based on their respective fields of expertise.
According to preliminary information gathered by Jambonews, the experts, upon putting together their findings, identified four certainties:

The first certainty is that through a process of elimination, the experts confirmed that the aircraft was shot down by a portable missile SA-16 (SAM 16) made in former Soviet-Union.
The second certainty is that there have been two shots including a missile that missed the plane and another missile that hit the plane.
The third certainty is that the reactors of the aircraft were not affected by the missiles and remained intact.
The fourth certainty is that the left wing of the aircraft was hit. Indeed, analysis of the wreckage shows that the missile hit the tank in the left wing.

With these elements, the mission of the experts’ team was to determine the location from where the missiles were fired, a crucial part of this investigation into the attack that plunged Rwanda into the horror.
None of the experts could determine alone the launching site which was determined by cross-checking all expertise and analyzing testimonies, twelve in total.
In total, six possible launching sites have been identified by the experts through a process of elimination in order to identify the most likely location.
The ideal position for an experienced shooter was, according to experts, the site of Masaka (either the farm or the valley). But the experts judged that such a site was to be dismissed due to two factors identified as critical.
The first factor is the story of three prominent witnesses, a French soldier and two Belgian military doctors who were present that day at Kanombe military barrack and said that they heard the blast of missiles. The acoustics expert said that it was impossible to hear the blowing of missiles from Masaka, located more than 3 kilometers away. He believes that, given the distance, the plane would have already hit the ground before anyone can hear the blowing of the missiles.
The second factor is the impact of the missile and the occurrence that the missile hit the left wing of the aircraft. According to experts, the missiles usually follow the heat of their target. But when the plane was shot down, it had already passed the Masaka hill, which means that if the missile had come from behind (i.e. from Masaka) it would have reached the reactor instead of the left wing of the device. The experts’ conclusion on this point is therefore that the missile came forward before reaching the left wing of the aircraft.
However, the aviation expert orally argued that she cannot be categorical on this last point, because as the experts agreed, the first missile missed its target. It is therefore possible that the pilots changed the trajectory of the aircraft.
Another hypothesis that was put forward by the experts but was immediately ruled out is that of the barnyard that was located in the courtyard of the assassinated President. This hypothesis has been quickly rejected because the experts estimate that if the missile had been launched from there, it would have reached the right side of the aircraft, not the left one.

In light of these factors identified as critical by the experts, the experts concluded that “the firing of the two missiles, the second of which shot down the presidential plane (Falcon 50), may have taken place from the Kanombe camp (military barracks ), located near to the Belgian development aid workers’ residences.”

Another insight from the experts is that the missiles SAM-16 utilized to shoot down the aircraft were used by specialists because their use requires an extensive training of at least 50 to 60 hours. The experts also stressed that there were two shooters.
At the end of the presentation, Judge Marc Trevidic, who read the conclusions of the experts alternately with judge Nathalie Poux, said that all parties had three months to provide comments on the report of the experts; they may also request a counter expertise.
After collecting all the comments, the judges Trevidic and Poux will analyze the experts’ report in the light of other facts of the case, especially the many testimonies.
Pending the outcome of the investigation of the judges, nobody is exonerated and nobody is charged; this is by the way not the role of the experts.
It is up to the judges Trevidic and Poux, at the end of the investigation, to publish a full report about the possible involvement of RPF members suspected of being behind the terrorist attack or eventually charge other suspects.
Translated by Amani Tuyishime
Original french version by Ruhumuza Mbonyumutwa
JamboNews.net