Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch



Welcome to
Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch Blog. Our objective is to promote the institutions of democracy,social justice,Human Rights,Peace, Freedom of Expression, and Respect to humanity in Rwanda,Uganda,DR Congo, Burundi,Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya,Ethiopia, and Somalia. We strongly believe that Africa will develop if only our presidents stop being rulers of men and become leaders of citizens. We support Breaking the Silence Campaign for DR Congo since we believe the democracy in Rwanda means peace in DRC. Follow this link to learn more about the origin of the war in both Rwanda and DR Congo:http://www.rwandadocumentsproject.net/gsdl/cgi-bin/library


Tuesday, May 10, 2011

STOP KILLING RWANDANS OR RESIGN: RWANDA NATIONAL CONGRESS (RNC) TELLS PRESIDENT KAGAME

CALLS UPON THE USA AND UK TO SUPPORT PEACEFUL AND DEMOCRATIC REFORMS IN RWANDA. Adapted from NGONews Africa
In a not so rare confession of intent to commit murder, the Rwanda Patriotic Front-owned and Rwanda Intelligence-run The New Times , May 3, 2011, in an opinion titled “ Osama bin Laden’s Lessons for Local Terrorists”, opens with ominously familiar warning to all pro-democracy voices and Rwandans in general: “ You can run. You can hide. But you won’t escape. Osama bin Laden learnt the lesson of this simple truth”. In short, Kagame is telling Rwandans, “ accept my rule and keep quiet, or else I will kill you, as I have killed many others..”
 Excerpts from The New Times article :
“In Rwanda we have our own criminals and terrorists sheltering in foreign countries. What has happened to Osama bin Laden should serve as notice to them that they cannot hide forever. Justice, in whatever form, will catch up with them.
 “Other politicians, like Victoire Ingabire and Deo Mushayidi, who have tried to use terrorism to get to power now know the perils of that route and, unless they are idiots, are unlikely to advise anyone to go the same way.”
“But there will always be idiots for whom history has no lessons. The group that is now known as the Gang of Four ( Kayumba Nyamwasa, Gerald Gahima, Patrick Karegeya and Theogene Rudasingwa) all of whom have committed crimes ranging from abuse of office to treason are trying to reinvent themselves as political saviours of Rwandans. The indication that they have learnt nothing is that they have chosen the terrorist route to political power”….The criminal quartet and other unsavoury characters to whom they are allied in a terrorist enterprise will soon find out that the jungles of foreign countries and villas in upmarket areas of foreign capitals are not very safe.”
“They can run and hide, but will run out of options and then their actions will catch up with them”
There is little or no surprise that President Kagame and his regime would, once again, turn to assassination, intimidation and insults in dealing with Rwandan citizens demanding peaceful and democratic change in their motherland. To Kagame, critics in academia, civil society, media and members of the political opposition are all genocidaires, revisionists, divisionists, terrorists, idiots, gangs, unsavoury characters and criminals who should be hunted and killed like Osama bin Laden. What is surprising is that Kigali regime’s previously secret policy of killing real or imagined opponents within and outside Rwanda has now become official open policy. The regime’s criminal nature, its decadence, arrogance and incredible impunity is alarmingly turning uglier, blatant and scandalous.
Osama bin Laden’s death should be a teachable moment to all humanity. Unfortunately, like all tyrannical regimes, Kagame’s regime is both unwilling and incapable of deriving the right lessons from an event like this, the foremost of which is that those who live by the sword die by the sword. On the African continent and the world at large, no other ruler’s profile comes close to resembling bin Laden’s as President Kagame’s. Kagame’s endless list of victims, itself a who is who in Rwanda and the Great Lakes region, probably is by far longer than bin Laden’s, and includes, over a decade and half, his comrades-in-arms, politicians, military officers, children, men, women, and other leaders in Rwanda and neighboring countries. The ghosts of these innocent victims ceaselessly haunt him and have turned him into a paranoid serial killer and sleepless character who must not rest till he finds another victim. If he was a good student of history, he would know that killing citizens has never saved dictators. On the contrary, such unparalleled onslaught on citizens’ fundamental rights and yearning for freedom makes Rwandans ever more courageous to resist Kagame’s regime. Rwandans firmly believe that Kagame and the RPF regime he has criminalized will one day be caught up with justice in the courts of law. Unlike him, however, RNC and other pro-democracy are not calling for his death. Killing people is not the RNC way. It is the Kagame  way.  RNC and the majority of Rwandans are trying to change, and change for good, this violent way that disregards the dignity and worth a Rwandan, by peaceful and democratic means.
The Rwanda National Congress calls upon President Kagame to resign immediately if he cannot stop killing, jailing and exiling innocent citizens. Rwandans need a leader who has moral integrity, who is honest, who can help them talk to each other truthfully as a genuine way to reconcile and heal. Rwandans need a leader who helps them overcome fear so as to build a shared future together. Out of the 11 million Rwandans in and outside our Rwanda, there are those who can surely lead us out of the present dangerous political impasse. Clearly, Kagame is not that leader. He has selfishly gambled away enough of Rwandans’ and international goodwill.
RNC further calls upon the United States and the U.K. Governments, and the rest of the international community, to use the leverage of their strong links with the government of Rwanda to support democratic change and respect for fundamental human rights by the state institutions. We recommend the following measures are necessary to convey an unequivocal message to the Government of Rwanda that it must carry out reforms to ensure respect of the legitimate demands of the citizens of Rwanda for freedom:
(a) Calling for the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners;
(b) Demanding an end to persecution (including arbitrary arrests and detentions, torture;
involuntary disappearances and extra-judicial killings) of government opponents and critics and their relatives;
(c) An end to the practice of channeling the development assistance directly into budget support, and conditioning the development assistance that the UK, USA and international community provide to the Rwanda government on political reforms, including opening up political space;
(d) Using regional and United Nations human rights mechanisms to ensure that President
Kagame and his security officials are held accountable for gross human rights violations
that are committed against innocent citizens;
(e) Encouraging the government of Rwanda to agree to a comprehensive and unconditional dialogue with the opposition on ways for resolving the political impasse, engulfing Rwanda;
f) Calling on the United Nations, the African Union, UNHCR, the international community and member states to prevent the impending application of the cessation clause (end of 2011) for the Rwandan refugees, and instead support creating an enabling environment within Rwanda for their voluntary and peaceful repatriation; and,
g) Supporting a political and peaceful process for ending the long standing DRC-based rebellion by Rwandan armed groups.
by Dr.  Theogene Rudasingwa
 Submitted by: Jennifer Fierberg, MSW
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The Classified Truth About Egypt Unrest That Western Media Did Not Want to Reveal

Official photograph of Egyptian President Hosn...Image via Wikipedia
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 02 CAIRO 002572 SIPDIS FOR NEA/ELA, R, S/P AND H NSC FOR PASCUAL AND KUTCHA-HELBLING E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/30/2028 TAGS: PGOV, PHUM, KDEM, EG SUBJECT: APRIL 6 ACTIVIST ON HIS U.S. VISIT AND REGIME CHANGE IN EGYPT REF: A. CAIRO 2462 B. CAIRO 2454 C. CAIRO 2431 Classified By: ECPO A/Mincouns Catherine Hill-Herndon for reason 1.4 (d ).

1. (C) Summary and comment: On December 23, April 6 activist xxxxxxxxxxxx expressed satisfaction with his participation in the December 3-5 \"Alliance of Youth Movements Summit,\" and with his subsequent meetings with USG officials, on Capitol Hill, and with think tanks. He described how State Security (SSIS) detained him at the Cairo airport upon his return and confiscated his notes for his summit presentation calling for democratic change in Egypt, and his schedule for his Congressional meetings. xxxxxxxxxxxx contended that the GOE will never undertake significant reform, and therefore, Egyptians need to replace the current regime with a parliamentary democracy. He alleged that several opposition parties and movements have accepted an unwritten plan for democratic transition by 2011; we are doubtful of this claim.

xxxxxxxxxxxx said that although SSIS recently released two April 6 activists, it also arrested three additional group members. We have pressed the MFA for the release of these April 6 activists. April 6's stated goal of replacing the current regime with a parliamentary democracy prior to the 2011 presidential elections is highly unrealistic, and is not supported by the mainstream opposition. End summary and comment.

---------------------------- Satisfaction with the Summit ----------------------------

2. (C) xxxxxxxxxxxx expressed satisfaction with the December 3-5 \"Alliance of Youth Movements Summit\" in New York, noting that he was able to meet activists from other countries and outline his movement's goals for democratic change in Egypt. He told us that the other activists at the summit were very supportive, and that some even offered to hold public demonstrations in support of Egyptian democracy in their countries, with xxxxxxxxxxxx as an invited guest. xxxxxxxxxxxx said he discussed with the other activists how April 6 members could more effectively evade harassment and surveillance from SSIS with technical upgrades, such as consistently alternating computer \"simcards.\" However, xxxxxxxxxxxx lamented to us that because most April 6 members do not own computers, this tactic would be impossible to implement. xxxxxxxxxxxx was appreciative of the successful efforts by the Department and the summit organizers to protect his identity at the summit, and told us that his name was never mentioned publicly.

------------------- A Cold Welcome Home -------------------
3. (S) xxxxxxxxxxxx told us that SSIS detained and searched him at the Cairo Airport on December 18 upon his return from the U.S. According to xxxxxxxxxxxx, SSIS found and confiscated two documents in his luggage: notes for his presentation at the summit that described April 6's demands for democratic transition in Egypt, and a schedule of his Capitol Hill meetings. xxxxxxxxxxxx described how the SSIS officer told him that State Security is compiling a file on him, and that the officer's superiors instructed him to file a report on xxxxxxxxxxxx most recent activities.
--------------------------------------------- ----------
Washington Meetings and April 6 Ideas for Regime Change
--------------------------------------------- ----------
4. (C) xxxxxxxxxxxx described his Washington appointments as positive, saying that on the Hill he met with xxxxxxxxxxxx, a variety of House staff members, including from the offices of xxxxxxxxxxxx and xxxxxxxxxxxx), and with two Senate staffers. xxxxxxxxxxxx also noted that he met with several think tank members. xxxxxxxxxxxx said that xxxxxxxxxxxx's office invited him to speak at a late January Congressional hearing on House Resolution 1303 regarding religious and political freedom in Egypt. xxxxxxxxxxxx told us he is interested in attending, but conceded he is unsure whether he will have the funds to make the trip. He indicated to us that he has not been focusing on his work as a \"fixer\" for journalists, due to his preoccupation with his U.S. trip. 5. (C) xxxxxxxxxxxx described how he tried to convince his Washington interlocutors that the USG should pressure the GOE to implement significant reforms by threatening to reveal CAIRO 00002572 002 OF 002 information about GOE officials' alleged \"illegal\" off-shore bank accounts. He hoped that the U.S. and the international community would freeze these bank accounts, like the accounts of Zimbabwean President Mugabe's confidantes. xxxxxxxxxxxx said he wants to convince the USG that Mubarak is worse than Mugabe and that the GOE will never accept democratic reform. xxxxxxxxxxxx asserted that Mubarak derives his legitimacy from U.S. support, and therefore charged the U.S. with \"being responsible\" for Mubarak's \"crimes.\"
He accused NGOs working on political and economic reform of living in a \"fantasy world,\" and not recognizing that Mubarak -- \"the head of the snake\" -- must step aside to enable democracy to take root.
6. (C) xxxxxxxxxxxx claimed that several opposition forces -- including the Wafd, Nasserite, Karama and Tagammu parties, and the Muslim Brotherhood, Kifaya, and Revolutionary Socialist movements -- have agreed to support an unwritten plan for a transition to a parliamentary democracy, involving a weakened presidency and an empowered prime minister and parliament, before the scheduled 2011 presidential elections (ref C). According to xxxxxxxxxxxx, the opposition is interested in receiving support from the army and the police for a transitional government prior to the 2011 elections.
xxxxxxxxxxxx asserted that this plan is so sensitive it cannot be written down. (Comment: We have no information to corroborate that these parties and movements have agreed to the unrealistic plan xxxxxxxxxxxx has outlined. Per ref C, xxxxxxxxxxxx previously told us that this plan was publicly available on the internet. End comment.)
7. (C) xxxxxxxxxxxx said that the GOE has recently been cracking down on the April 6 movement by arresting its members. xxxxxxxxxxxx noted that although SSIS had released xxxxxxxxxxxx and xxxxxxxxxxxx \"in the past few days,\" it had arrested three other members. (Note: On December 14, we pressed the MFA for the release of xxxxxxxxxxxx and xxxxxxxxxxxx, and on December 28 we asked the MFA for the GOE to release the additional three activists. End note.) xxxxxxxxxxxx conceded that April 6 has no feasible plans for future activities.
The group would like to call for another strike on April 6, 2009, but realizes this would be \"impossible\" due to SSIS interference, xxxxxxxxxxxx said. He lamented that the GOE has driven the group's leadership underground, and that one of its leaders, xxxxxxxxxxxx, has been in hiding for the past week.
8. (C) Comment: xxxxxxxxxxxx offered no roadmap of concrete steps toward April 6's highly unrealistic goal of replacing the current regime with a parliamentary democracy prior to the 2011 presidential elections. Most opposition parties and independent NGOs work toward achieving tangible, incremental reform within the current political context, even if they may be pessimistic about their chances of success. xxxxxxxxxxxx wholesale rejection of such an approach places him outside this mainstream of opposition politicians and activists.
SCOBEY02008-12-307386PGOV,PHUM,KDEM,EGAPRIL 6 ACTIVIST ON HIS U.S. VISIT AND REGIME CHANGE IN EGYPT
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Geraldine Mande,Student Raised in Wartime Congo on the Writing Assignment That Unlocked Her Voice, Changed Her Path


April 27, 2011
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Geraldine Mande, now a junior at Brandeis, arrived in a Massachusetts high school from a country devastated by war. She struggled to find her way after living through terrifying times that had taught her silent stoicism:
Na matoki na yo nde oko lia; liblanka kaka
- work hard, suffer hard and be as hard as stone.”
Then a Facing History class on Eli Wiesel’s Night created an opening through which Geraldine found her voice as a student and a writer. She went on to have her essay selected as one of 50 winners from over 50,000 entries in TV host Oprah Winfrey’s national essay contest on Wiesel's memoir.
Geraldine spoke at this month's New England benefit dinner about how her Facing History class became an unpredictable catalyst in her life. Her struggle to find words to grasp Wiesel’s experience in the Holocaust death camps led her to open up for the first time in class about her family’s endurance and escape from war-torn Congo.
Her message to the audience: “By supporting Facing History, you are creating waves that can open the hearts and minds of young people around the world.”


Geraldine Mande at the 2011 Facing History and Ourselves New England Spring Benefit
Ladies, and gentlemen, my name is Geraldine Mande, and I’d like to say, “hi.”
The word “hi” reminds me that I am no longer an outsider. When I arrived in America, I spoke French and Linglala. In French you don’t pronounce “H” and in Linglala, “hi” is an expression you use if you’ve been hurt or depending on how you say it, it could mean garlic.
But now, when I say “hi”, I am saying, I am part of this country. I have experienced its joys, and I have shared in its benefits. I am, for example, a junior at Brandeis, one of the most prestigious schools in the country. I am also a proud product of the Facing History program, which, I must tell you, I credit with helping me to fit into this American life, and also with making sense of the world I came from.
You see, I was born 23 years ago in the Congo at a time when my country was being ripped apart by a long and bloody war. My father was then a member of the military, and so my brothers and sisters, my mother and I, were allowed to live with him in a military camp. The camp was guarded and fenced in to keep intruders out. But it was still a tough life. At night we’d have to leave the camp under cover of darkness to fetch water and carry it back. There was little food. But we were the lucky ones. For those who lived outside the camp, it was much worse. Horrible violence and rampant disease claimed millions of lives.
When I was eight years old, my mother took ill. She needed surgery, and she was allowed to go the United States for treatment. We stayed behind and my father took it upon himself to raise us. He refused to fight, telling his superiors that he needed to be with his children, and for a while, they seemed to accept it.
My father warned us not to go beyond the limits of the camp unless we all went together. “If we die, we all die together,” he told us. But there were times when I did venture outside the camp. Sometimes, it was necessary. One of my most vivid memories was when a group of us, young girls all, had gone out to find water. It took us two hours to find even a few drops and as we made our way back, soldiers opened fire, shooting tracer bullets over our heads. The sky was red, and one girl fell to the ground. At first we thought she had been hit. She hadn’t. Terror had just overcome her.
Other times, it was simply my own childishness that led me outside the camp. I remember playing with a boy outside. I didn’t know him well. But such things don’t matter to lonely children. For a few minutes we were happy. And then I remember hearing a shot and watching him fall screaming to the ground, blood pouring from a wound as people rushed to his aid. I ran all the way home terrified. To this day, I don’t know what happened to that boy.
In 2004, the war ended, and so did the authorities’ patience with my father. They threw us out of the camp. I remember walking back to our quarters from school and seeing all the neighborhood children pointing at me. I didn’t know why. And then I saw that everything we owned, little as it was, had been thrown out in front of our home.
We drifted from there to my grandmother’s house, a cramped and dirty place in another city, and then to a camp in Cameroon. At last, word came that we had received permission from the US government to join my mother in Massachusetts.
Arriving in America, I was enrolled in an ESL class at Brookline High School. I felt isolated and torn. My parents were torn, too. They had grown up in a world with very different values. They were very traditional. The secular ways of America frightened them, and made them feel as if they were in danger of losing their children. In America, teenage girls and boys go out and learn about the world. Not in the Congo. For the longest time my parents tried to make me live the life we had left behind. When they realized that I wanted to be part of this world, they threatened to send me back. It was, I knew, an idle threat. There was no one left in Congo to send me back to.
Maybe it was that they finally understood that I was part of this American world, or maybe the daily struggle to earn a living in this new country took all the fight out of them. But eventually we found a kind of peace.
But I had still not found my own peace. That finally came when I was 17. I was in my junior year in high school, taking a Facing History class in which we studied Elie Wiesel’s Night, when my teacher, Ms. Allison Frydman, urged me to write an essay for a contest that Oprah Winfrey was sponsoring. My teacher told me that when she looked at me, she saw potential. I did not.
I believed that I lacked the skills with the English language, that if I wrote, or worse, read my writing out loud, that I would be laughed at. Ridiculed. But my Facing History teacher wouldn’t give up. She took small steps. First she said that everyone in class had to read the book. And being a well-mannered student, I agreed. And then she said that we had to write a one-page paper, and again, I agreed, because I wanted to be a good student. And when she suggested that I expand my paper, again I did as I was told. As simply and as honestly as I could, I compared and contrasted Mr. Wiesel’s experiences in the Holocaust with my own life in the Congo.
Maybe my writing was awkward. And maybe I was embarrassed by it. But looking back, I can see that my story was more important than the words I chose to express it. I remembered how touched I had been reading about how hunger had tormented Mr. Wiesel. I had seen that kind of hunger; I had come close to it myself. There were nights when I couldn’t swallow my own meager rations because there were other children who weren’t getting any food, and I knew I didn't have enough to share.
I didn’t have the words in English to sum up the fear and the horror of that time. Maybe I still don’t. But there are words in Linglala, words that were meant to teach us to survive, but really showed how desperate we had become. “Na matoki na yo nde oko lia; liblanka kaka,” which means, “work hard, suffer hard and be as hard as stone.”
One day, my teacher asked me to read my essay aloud in class. That time, I drew the line. I said no. And she said, “Okay, I will read it for you.” I will never forget the reaction of the other students. They were so supportive and so moved by it. We had shared something. Not long after that, I learned that my essay was one of 50 selected from over 50,000 entries.
I cannot tell you that I can draw a straight line from that award to my acceptance at Brandeis. But I can tell you this: When I finish my studies at Brandeis, I plan to get a graduate degree in International Global Studies and I hope to someday return to the Congo to work with children, especially the girls. My dream is to develop programs that will help them envision a life beyond the lives they’re living now.
I can draw a straight line from that desire right back to that Facing History teacher who hounded, challenged and ultimately inspired me. I have told my story at several events, a panel at the Boston Public Library, again as part of Facing History’s Choosing to Participate program. I know my story moves people. But I can tell it because only Facing History empowered me.
Had I not taken that Facing History class I wouldn’t be the person I am today. Facing History not only impacted me, but hopefully because of Facing History many girls in the Congo will one day see a change in their lives. By supporting Facing History, you are creating waves that can open the hearts and minds of young people around the world.
Thank you.
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Monday, May 9, 2011

Rwanda: Opposition gains momentum as two major parties endorse collaboration

Rwanda: Opposition gains momentum as two major parties endorse collaboration

The tiny east African nation’s political landscape and international brand will never be the same after two prominent opposition parties; the newly formed Rwanda National Congress (RNC) and The United Democratic Forces, agreed to work together for a peaceful change in Rwanda, reports 

Formed only six weeks ago in Maryland, US; RNC is the brain child of exiled former senior government and military personalities, including Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, Col. Patrick Karegeya, Major Dr Theogene Rudasingwa and Gerald Gahima.
Other faces behind the most prominent opposition group are Gervais Condo, Jerome Nayigiziki, Jonathan Musonera, Dr Emanuel Hakizimana, Joseph Ngarambe and Jean Paul Turayishimye.
Far from barking voices in western capitals that have been the face of Rwandan opposition, the country’s political terrain changed sharply in the run up to the August 2010 Presidential polls, with the emergence of local opposition parties; The PS Imberakuri, Democratic Green Party of Rwanda and later The UDF Inkingi.
But using coercive instruments of the state, President Kagame not only managed to bar the three parties from contesting against him but also threw the party leaders; Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza of the UDF Inkingi and Bernard Ntaganda of the PS Imberakuri, behind the bars.
But as hopes for democratic hopes initiated by these parties slowly dissipated, other stronger opposition groups are emerging; and are seemingly joining hands against a common enemy.
Following a meeting that was held in Brussels on 19 December 2010 , representatives of the Support Committee of FDU-Inkingi held a retreat with representatives of the RNC in Switzerland from 21 to 25 January 2011. According to a communiqué accessed by The Newsline, the purpose of the retreat was to hold consultations on the nature of the critical problems that confront the Rwanda nation today and exchanging ideas as to how the two organizations can harness their collective resources to find appropriate solution to these problems.
The retreat was attended by FDU’s first Vice president, Nkiko Nsengimana; Second Vice Chair Dr JB Mberabahizi, RNC’s Interim coordination Committee advisor Gervais Condo and Gerald Gahima; among others.
Among others, the two organizations re-concretized that the people of Rwanda deserve a democratic state, governed in accordance with the principles of the rule of law, independence of the judiciary, respect of the inherent dignity of every citizen, equality and non-discrimination and promotion of reconciliation, solidarity and mutual respect amongst all Rwandans. They regretfully noted that successive governments that have ruled Rwanda since the 1959 Revolution have proclaimed, in their official documents and statements their commitment to the above principles and values, but the changes they brought about only resulted in change of the outward form, rather than the nature or character, of government.
The two opposition groups further observed that the current system of Rwanda’s government is characterised by dictatorship, discrimination and marginalisation, deception and deplorable conduct such as destruction of citizens property, illegal expropriation of private property, arbitrary arrests and detentions, depriving children of poor citizens of access to university education and forceful implementation of ill-conceived educational reforms without any public consultation.
Agreeing in totality that Rwanda is headed for a catastrophic tragedy unless the system of political governance in Rwanda changes; the two organisations outlined strategies that would avert the catastrophe, namely; fighting genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and other gross violations of human rights; establish a genuinely democratic system of government, based on plurality of political parties; establishing a system of independent and impartial administration of justice, eradicating impunity once and for all; preparing a national dialogue bringing together Rwandans of all backgrounds and political persuasions to discuss a peaceful future of Rwanda.
Other strategies include building a nation in which discrimination and marginalisation of any kind have no place, assuring every citizen access to equal opportunity; promoting gender equality; resolving the chronic problem of Rwandan refugees; promoting genuine reconciliation amongst Rwandan of all backgrounds and to repair the psychological wounds that the conflict Rwanda has experienced have left.
Among others, the two parties agreed to support political change in Rwanda by peaceful means; establish a common coordination mechanism to facilitate their collaboration in mobilising the people of Rwanda for democratic change and sensitise other organisations that are struggling for peaceful democratic change to join them in working together to promote that objective.
The participants reiterated their appreciation of the courage and sacrifice of incarcerated UDF leader, Victoire Ingabire, in the struggle for democracy in Rwanda, and demanded that President Kagame release her from detention without pre-conditions. The participants equally demanded that all other political prisoners, including Bernard Ntaganda, President of PS-Imberakuri; Déo Mushayidi (President, PDP Imanzi); Dr. Théoneste Niyitegeka and Charles Ntakirutinka.
The participants in the meeting deplore the manner in which the government continues to use judicial institutions to eliminate political dissent, criticism, and opposition, The participants, in particular, condemned the parody of justice conducted by the Rwanda Military High Court that led to its judgement of 14 January 2011 against General Kayumba Nyamwasa, Dr. Théogène Rudasingwa, Colonel Karegeya Patrick and Dr. Gerald Gahima, whose objective is to persecute and defame the said individuals on account of their political views.
Take charge of your destiny
Calling on foreign governments and international organizations to more strongly support democratic change in Rwanda, the participants in the meetings encouraged all Rwandans to rise, to overcome fear and understand that the struggle to liberate their motherland is their responsibility. Whether the Rwandans and the international community have the power and willingness to heed the call is another subject, and so is whether ‘peaceful change’ in Rwanda is really realistic or idealistic.
Didas Gasana
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Sunday, May 8, 2011

The United Nations Ad Hoc Tribunal For Rwanda (ICTR-TPIR): International Justice Or Judicially-Constructed Victors’ Impunity?

10 April 2011 Comments (0) Print This Post Print This Post
News Advisory
March 7, 2011
Contact:
International Humanitarian Law Institute
www.rwandadocumentsproject.net
Director, Prof. Peter Erlinder
c/o Wm. Mitchell College of Law (est. 1890)
St. Paul, Mn. USA 55105
651-290-6384
Peter Erlinder
St. Paul, MN. USA — The Director of the International Humanitarian Law Institute, Prof. Peter Erlinder, announced the publication of a book-length research work by DePaul University Law School Journal for Social Justice today: The United Nations Ad Hoc Tribunal for Rwanda: International Justice or Judicially-Constructed Victors’ Impunity.
Based on previously un-published UN and US government documents, in the nature of Pentagon Papers or Wiki-Leaks exposures, the heavily footnoted narrative is based on documents only in evidence at the UN Tribunal for Rwanda, and published on the IHLI website: www.rwandadocumentsproject.net. The documents explain how the current RPF government became the dominant military power in the country more than a year before the Rwandan Genocide with outside assistance from Uganda, UK and the Pentagon.
The documents include ICTR evidence that the U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda personally warned Kagame in late 1993 that mass killings would result if the RPF broke the February 1993 ceasefire, because of the example of the mass violence that erupted in Burundi in October 1993, when the first Hutu president was assassinated by RPF allies.
The documents also include sworn ICTR testimony of former RPF officers and members who testified that Paul Kagame ordered the assassination of the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi on April 6, 1994 that touched off the mass violence predicted by the US Ambassacor. Affidavits from a former FBI agent and the Chief ICTR investigators are also duplicated in the document.
The documents also show that UN Gen. Dallaire reported that “there was no coup” after the assassinations; Kagame repeatedly refused ceasefire requests to stop the killings; and according to Dallaire, Kagame would not use superior military force to stop the civilian killings touched off by the massacres because “he was winning the war.”
According to ILHI Director Prof. Peter Erlinder, Lead Defense Counsel in the Military-1 case at the UN Tribunal for Rwanda and who was released from a Rwandan prison on medical grounds only after an international campaign in the summer of 2010:
“These UN documents are the reason Kagame had me arrested. I have never denied that tens of thousands of Tutsi were killed in ways that fit the definition of “genocide,” but ICTR evidence shows that the RPF were the militarily superior aggressors and took advantage of the predicted civilian massacres as part of their war plan. Had the RPF not been made militarily dominant by outside support, and the two presidents not been assassinated in the RPF assault for power, the ICTR evidence suggests that the Rwandan genocide would ever have occurred.”
Click here to download the document
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Saturday, May 7, 2011

State Department War Crimes Chief Stephen Rapp’s cover-up of U.S. War Crimes in Rwanda Genocide

Daya Gamage – Foreign News Desk Asian Tribune Washington, DC. 29April
 
The April 28 report in The New York Times captioned ‘American Lawyer is Barred from Rwanda Tribunal Work’ caught the eye of this Online Daily’s Foreign News Desk which informed the readers that Peter Erlinder, a law professor in an American university, has been barred by the UN from working at the international tribunal for Rwanda based in the Tanzanian city of Arusha. He refused to travel to Arusa for fear of his life.
He said that he is a target of the Rwandan government and has even received threats while on lecture tours in the U.S.
Prof. Erlinder charges the current Paul Kahame regime of Rwanda of targeted assassinations of those who were accusing the Rwandan leader of genocide - 1990 through 1994 - in which one million people were killed. He and others who have given a long list of victims in many worldwide cities attributed those assassinations to the current Rwandan leadership of Paul Kagame.
One of the mysterious deaths known to the Asian Tribune network was a UN professional who worked to unearth the evidence of the Rwandan genocide – a Sri Lankan Shyamlal Rajapaksa who happened to be a first cousin of the present president of Sri Lanka Mahinda Rajapaksa. His killing in August 2009 in the Tanzanian city of Arusha where the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was headquartered is still a mystery.
Professor Peter Erlinder has come out with an array of evidence and interpretations of the direct culpability of the current Rwandan president Paul Kagame in the Rwandan genocide, how he and his colleagues were given military training in the U.S., how Kagame as the head of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a proxy force of the Pentagon according to Erlinder, invaded Rwanda to unleash a genocide with tacit approval of the United States, and in the following years how the United States took covert and overt steps to cover up its involvement in the Rwandan mass massacre.
It is here that Ambassador-at Large Stephen Rapp’s name emerge. Mr. Rapp is currently the head of the Office of War Crimes Issues of the U.S. Department of State, and in his previous position as the chief prosecutor of the Rwandan genocide, according to Peter Elinder, and many other investigators, Mr. Rapp was one of the main who was involved in the cover up of US involvement in the Rwandan Genocide.
The Asian Tribune readers may recall that Stephen Rapp in his capacity as the State Department’s War Crimes Issues chief who prepared and released a document in October 2009 with ambiguous evidence which accused Sri Lanka of violating international humanitarian laws during the final (Jan-May 2009) stage of the battle with separatist/terrorist Tamil Tigers (LTTE).
In October 1990, the Ugandan army and the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF) led by Major General Paul Kagame invaded Rwanda. The guerrillas who violated international laws and committed massive war crimes were backed by Britain, Belgium, the United States and Israel, according to many investigators and researchers. By July 1994, the RPF completed its coup d'etat and consolidated its power in Rwanda.
On April 6, 1994, the governments of Rwanda and Burundi were decapitated when the plane carrying the two presidents and top military staff was shot down over Kigali, Rwanda's capital. The well-planned assassinations of Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira sparked a massive escalation of warfare that is falsely portrayed as the result of meaningless tribal savagery. These assassinations were major war crimes, and the RPF and UPDF were responsible, but almost every attempt to honestly investigate the double presidential assassinations has been blocked by the U.S. and its allies.
A frequent contributor to a think tank called Global Research, Prof. Elinder outlined the United States endeavor in the cover up of its own culpability in the Rwandan genocide.
He wrote: “The July 9, 2009 New York Times reported that the Obama administration had selected Stephen Rapp to replace the Bush administration Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes, Pierre Prosper. Rapp began his international career at the UN Security Council Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 2001, while Carla Del Ponte was Chief Rwanda Prosecutor. Rapp’s nomination just a few months after Del Ponte’s of her memoir of her years as Chief UN Prosecutor, Madam Prosecutor: Confronting Humanity’s Worst Criminals and the Culture of Impunity was published in English.
“Del Ponte’s book describes in detail the systematic U.S.-initiated cover-up of crimes by the current Rwandan government, a U.S. ally, committed during the Rwanda Genocide, and how she was removed from her ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) position in 2003 by U.S. Ambassador Prosper, himself, when she refused to cooperate with the U.S.-initiated “cover-up.”
According to Del Ponte, her ICTR Office had the evidence to prosecute Kagame for “touching-off” the Rwanda Genocide by ordering the assassination of Rwanda’s former President Juvenal, Habyarimana, long before 2003. She also details the dozens of massacre sites, involving thousands of victims, for which the current Rwandan President, Paul Kagame and his military, should be prosecuted. The well-publicized canard, that “the identity of the assassins of Habyarimana is unknown” is a bald-faced lie, well -known by ICTR Prosecutors, according to Ms. Del Ponte, writes Prof. Elinder in Global Research.
Two years after Del Ponte was removed from office, Stephen Rapp became “Chief” of ICTR Prosecutions with access to all of the evidence known to Ms. Del Ponte, and more that has been made public in the past few years. During his four years at the ICTR, Rapp like Del Ponte, also was in a position to prosecute Kagame and members of the current government of Rwanda but, not ONE member of Kagame’s military has been prosecuted at the ICTR, to date…and the “cover-up” revealed by Del Ponte, continues today. And, unlike, Ms. Del Ponte, who was fired by the U.S., Mr. Rapp was first rewarded with an appointment as Chief Prosecutor at the U.S.-funded Sierra Leone Tribunal and now, a coveted ambassadorship by the Obama administration as the chief of the Office of War Crimes Issues at the State Department.
Mr. Rapp, for reasons known and unknown to the Asian Tribune, used ambiguous and conflicting information and data to accuse Sri Lanka of violating International Humanitarian Laws (IHL) in a report released to the US Congress in October 2009.
Former Chief ICTR Prosecutor Del Ponte Details War Crimes “Cover-up”
According to Del Ponte, in May 2003 she was called to Washington D.C. by Prosper (ironically, also a former ICTR prosecutor with knowledge of Kagame’s crimes) who informed her that the U.S. would remove her UN post, if she carried through with her publicly announced plans to indict Kagame and members of his government and military. According to Del Ponte, when she refused to knuckle-under because “she worked for the UN, - not for the U.S” Prosper told her ICTR career was over. In October Del Ponte was replaced by a US-approved ICTR prosecutor, Hassan Abubacar Jallow, who elevated Rapp to “Chief of Prosecution” two years later.
ICTR Trials: More Evidence of Rwanda Crimes Cover-Up
Del Ponte’s revelations are not the only evidence that a U.S.-initiated “war crimes cover-up” at the ICTR is creating impunity for crimes committed by the Kagame and his military. On September 10, 1994 memo in evidence in the ICTR Military-1 Trial confirms that U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher was informed that Kagame’s troops were killing “10,000 civilians a month” in military-style, according to an investigation funded by US Agency for International Development (USAID). And, as early as January 1997, a team made up of Chief ICTR Investigative Prosecutor and former Australian Crown Prosecutor Michael Hourigan; former FBI Agent James Lyons; and former UN-Chief of Military Intelligence in Rwanda, Amadou Deme; reported Louise Arbour, Ms. Del Ponte’s predecessor, that Kagame should be prosecuted for assassinating the previous president. Arbour scuttled the investigation, suppressed the report and disbanded the investigative team.
Shortly, thereafter, Arbour was elevated to Canada’s Supreme Court and has sunsequently been chosen to head the International Crisis Group.
Louise Arbour as the head of the International Crisis Group released a report in May 2010 accusing Sri Lanka of war crimes said: “Evidence gathered by the International Crisis Group suggests that these months saw tens of thousands of Tamil civilian men, women, children and the elderly killed, countless more wounded, and hundreds of thousands deprived of adequate food and medical care, resulting in more deaths. This evidence also provides reasonable grounds to believe the Sri Lankan security forces committed war crimes with top government and military leaders potentially responsible.”
Former ICTR Prosecutor Rapp Complicit in Cover-up
But, even though Arbour suppressed the “Hourigan Report,” Del Ponte, Rapp and other ICTR prosecutors certainly knew about it, because ICTR judges had ordered Del Ponte’s Office to release the “Hourigan report” to a defense team as early as the year 2000, a year before Rapp began his ICTR work, and three years before Del Ponte was fired by Prosper.
Prof. Peter Elinder says “But….to date, not one indictment has been issued against Kagame by the ICTR Prosecutor.”
Consequences of the ICTR Cover-up of Kagame’s Crimes
The tragic consequence of the failure to prosecute Kagame at the ICTR, from 1994 to date, is that Kagame has been free to invade the Congo in 1996 and 1998, and to occupy part of the eastern Congo many-times larger than Rwanda, to this day. No less than four UN Security Council-commissioned Panel of Experts Report(s) on the Illegal Exploitation of the DR Congo (2001, 2002, 2003 and December 2008) have detailed the massive rape of the Congo’s resources that has brought vast riches to Kagame and his inner circle.
While Rapp was ICTR Senior Trial Attorney in 2003, Kagame was effectively elected President-for-Life with 95% of the vote, after banning opposition parties and jailing opponents, in “a climate of intimidation” according to EU observers.
“Chief of Prosecutions” Rapp Withheld Exculpatory Evidence
In February 2009, the ICTR issued its Judgment the Military-1 case, that main case at the ICTR, in which Mr. Rapp personally appeared for the Prosecution. Although massive violence did occur in Rwanda, the court certainly recognized that blaming only one side WAS a falsehood, when it acquitted all of the “architects of the killing machine” (as Mr. Rapp called the defendants in court) of conspiracy or planning to kill civilians. The highest ranking military-officer was acquitted of all charges.
And, although it is now clear from Ms. Del Ponte’s memoirs that Mr. Rapp had the evidence to clear the ICTR defendants of the assassination charges and only the losing side has been blamed for all crimes committed in Rwanda in 1994. Simply put, Mr. Rapp and other ICTR prosecutors have withheld evidence that would be beneficial to the defense, contrary to Tribunal Rules; have prosecuted defendants for crimes they knew were committed by Kagame’s forces; and, have created a system of “judicial impunity” that has permitted Kagame to kill millions in the eastern Congo.
It is in this context that Prof. Peter Elinder writing to Global Security questioned President Obama’s wisdom in appointing Stephen Rapp as the head of the Office of War Crimes Issue at the State Department in this manner: “This “inconvenient-African-truth,” raises an uncomfortable question regarding President Obama’s nomination of Mr. Rapp, in the first place: Are Obama and his advisors ignorant of the public record regarding Rapp’s complicity in the ICTR Cover-up….or do they just not give a damn?”
The U.S. Culpability in Rwanda Genocide
Aimable Mugara in a piece to OpEdNews put it this way: “In 1990, General Kagame who was the Chief of Military Intelligence of Uganda and head of the Rwandan Patriotic Forces (RPF) led a violent invasion of Rwanda from Uganda, with the approval and support (financial, military and political) of the United States government. This violent war changed the landscape of that region forever. By landscape, I also mean the number of mass graves that dot every of inch of that region now. The two final years of President Bush the father, during which his American government supported the murderous gang of General Kagame and Yoweri Museveni resulted in the deaths of many innocent Rwandan and Ugandan civilians. During those two years, there are thousands who lost their lives at the hands of General Kagame's soldiers and Yoweri Museveni's soldiers. But this was nothing compared to the more than 6 millions of civilians that would later die under Bill Clinton's 8 year reign, with American money, American weapons and American political support.”
In a September 30, 2010 New York Times article titled ‘Dispute Over U.N. Report Evokes Rwandan Déjà Vu’, it is mentioned how in the fall of 1994, a United Nations investigation discovered that General Kagame's forces had killed tens of thousand of innocent civilians that year. That under pressure from Bill Clinton's government, the United Nations was forced not to publish that report. In that New York Times article, they talk about how the 1994 UN report describes General Kagame's soldiers "rounding up civilians and methodically killing unarmed men, women and children."
“Kagame received his military education under the Pentagon’s Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) at the Command and General Staff College of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, beginning in 1990,” wrote John E. Peck of the Association of African Scholars (2002). “His sidekick, Lt. Col. Frank Rusagara, got his JCET schooling at the U.S. Naval Academy in Monterey, California. Both were dispatched to Rwanda in time to oversee the RPF’s takeover in 1994. Far from being an innocent bystander, the Washington Post revealed on July 12, 1998 that the United States not only gave Kagame $75 million in military assistance, but also sent Green Berets to train Kagame’s forces (as well as their Ugandan rebel allies) in low intensity conflict (LIC) tactics. Pentagon subcontractor Ronco, masquerading as a de-mining company, also smuggled more weapons to RPF fighters in flagrant violation of UN sanctions. All of this U.S. largesse was put to lethal effect in the ethnic bloodbath that is still going on.”
In 2009 published Edward S. Herman and David Peterson's investigative/research book The Politics of Genocide said: “The United States and its allies worked hard in the early 1990s to weaken the Rwandan government, forcing the abandonment of many of the economic and social gains from the social revolution of 1959, thereby making the Habyarimana government less popular, and helping to reinforce the Tutsi minority’s economic power.9 Eventually, the RPF was able to achieve a legal military presence inside Rwanda, thanks to a series of ceasefires and other agreements. These agreements led to the Arusha Peace Accords of August 1993, pressed upon the Rwandan government by the United States and its allies, called for the “integration” of the armed forces of Rwanda and the RPF, and for a “transitional,” power-sharing government until national elections could be held in 1995.10 These Peace Accords positioned the RPF for its bloody overthrow of a relatively democratic coalition government, and the takeover of the Rwandan state by a minority dictatorship.”
The U.S. State Department’s Office of War Crimes Issues chief Stephen Rapp knew this entire Rwandan episode, the U.S. interests in Paul Kagame, the UN concealment of the 1994 report at the behest of the Clinton administration, the U.S. military assistance to Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front and the entire exercise of the ‘Rwandan cover up’ to conceal the U.S. culpability in the Rwandan genocide when he focused his attention elsewhere; Sri Lanka.
- Asian Tribune -

Political prisoner Ingabire under isolation

by Ann Garrison on Friday, Kigali 06 May 2011

Rwandan opposition leader Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza remains in maximum security prison in Kigali, Rwanda, where she has now been more isolated.
Ms. Victoire Ingabire, FDU-INKINGI chairperson and Rwandan political prisoner  is spending her 204th day in captivity in maximum prison today.
More isolation measures are now in force. The party members who visited the prison today were not given a chance to see Ms. Ingabire. The jailers informed that they have orders to follow and that any other questions should be addressed to the Minister of internal Security.

On 29 April 2011 a dozen FDU-INKINGI party members were chased away by the maximum prison security staff.  Security Minister Fazil Harelimana told the BBC-Kinyarwanda that Madame Victoire Ingabire “must herself submit in advance a list of 5 people prior to the visitation days because the government does not want anybody to disturb prisoners when they are watching TV, reading or enjoying their siesta."  The political prisoner is incommunicado and has no means to pre-screen and shortlist her visitors days before. This is enormously inconvenient and has the direct effect of making visits impossible.

Since January 2011, the defense counsel has not been allowed to take confidential instructions from the client due to continuous and persistent monitoring of their discussions by security operatives. Prompt access has been often denied too. Those persistent violations of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights are seriously compromising all chances for a fair trial in Rwanda.

We call upon President Paul Kagame and his government to consider the humanity of political prisoners and remove all those obstacles.

FDU-Inkingi
Boniface Twagirimana
Interim Vice President.
We also recommende to visit http://www.victoire-ingabire.com/.
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Friday, May 6, 2011

Lending a Voice to the Voiceless: The Quest for Justice in Umutesi's Narrative

Refugee camp for Rwandans located in what is n...KIBUMBA HUTU REFUGEE CAMP IN DRC
by Aloys Habimana
Surviving the Slaughter is a powerful narrative that takes us into one of the many tragedies of the African Great Lakes region that affected tens of thousands of helpless Rwandan civilians in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide inside Rwanda. Through the eyes of an ordinary, but also remarkable, woman, we learn the horrifying details of the ordeals that Rwandan refugees in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) went through after their camps were destroyed manu militari. The value of this book goes beyond that of a simple narrative. As we read it, we are absorbed by an account of a breathtaking and excruciating journey of tens of thousands of people as they are hunted down in the dense rainforests of the Congo. At the core of this account is one woman's protest against the absurdity of mass violence and the inhuman brutality of military regimes.
At first glance, the book stands out as a strong stand against the corrosive tradition of silence that often accompanies gross violations of human rights, especially those unfolding beyond the scrutiny of the major world media. In a simple but engaging style, Umutesi strips off the usual veneer of reserve that characterizes Rwandans in general and Rwandan women in particular. Rwandans don't usually talk about their experiences, let alone write about them. And writing about the plight of people whom the world has often considered pariahs since the 1994 genocide requires a strong personality. [End Page 103]
Umutesi offers us a vivid account of the grueling nightmare experienced by tens of thousands of Rwandan civilians whom the world had deliberately forsaken. They are on a trek that seemingly has no end, heading for a destination unknown to them, with only a glimmer of hope that the sun of peace will rise once again. They endure countless death traps that no one will ever bother to denounce. Umutesi struggled to survive so that she could shame the insensitive world for its complacent attitudes in the face of human tragedies. She was spared by the forces of fate to tell the story of world complicity and cry out against one of the most scandalous humanitarian failures.
Those who dared raise their voices were few. A Rwandan proverb reminds us that "the hardship of the night can only be highlighted by a night-walker." No one could have better described what became of the "U.N.-protected" camps of Bukavu and Goma than a former dweller in one of these camps. Umutesi's experience as a survivor who never gave in to feelings of abandonment and despair leaves us with an important lesson: Evil can be challenged, even when it operates under the cover of the world's indifference. But struggling to survive was one thing and writing about the lived experience was another. One should not doubt that Umutesi faces great personal risk by writing a memoir about an episode of the Rwandan tragedy that was meant to decompose in the depth of Congo's forests like the many victims the tragedy had buried there.
The absurdity of the killings Umutesi writes about is reflected in the human tendency to place the label of pariah on a whole refugee population and then turn a blind eye on the inhuman treatment they are forced to bear. Umutesi does not deny that those fleeing the slaughter included criminals close to the Interahamwe militia who a couple of years before had been instrumental in executing the most horrendous genocide of the twentieth century in Rwanda. Nonetheless, by promoting the lie that all genuine refugees had returned to Rwanda and that only gangs of génocidaires were wandering in the rain forests of the Congo, the advocates of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which was the major force attacking the refugees, managed to keep at bay any possibility of humanitarian intervention. As Umutesi's narrative makes clear, those caught up in this slaughter, much like the victims of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, were mostly ordinary peasants and helpless women and children who had no criminal history at all, whose only sin was to have been in the wrong place, at the wrong time, with the wrong people.
What accounts for this ruthless behavior on the part of the Tutsi-dominated RPF army in the wake of the Rwandan genocide in which the RPF and their families were victimized? Psychologists would describe their actions as a product of "the victim mentality phenomenon" or in lay terms, as a deliberate exploitation of one's plight as a victim to carry out unacceptable deeds. Drawing most of its legitimacy from an antigenocide stance, the RPF-dominated government of Rwanda has repeatedly brandished [End Page 104] the "genocide threat" to justify excesses that often culminated in gross human rights abuses both within its territory and outside its borders, as in the case of the slaughter of Rwandan refugees in the DRC. It is unfortunate that with each episode, from the massacre of internally displaced people of Kibeho (Rwanda) to the frenzied manhunt of refugees in the former Zaire, the so-called international community has shown up too late, if at all, and only then to count bodies.
Most analysts have envisioned this case of humanitarian failure as a reflection of the extent to which the "good guy/bad guy" dichotomies continue to haunt the landscape of international relations (see French 2004). If this is true, then the situation Umutesi describes unfortunately suggests that the world is increasingly falling short of the very ideals of justice and human rights.
The principle of "presumption of innocence" seems to lose its meaning as long as "punitive" or "surgical" strikes—a euphemism often used in reference to the abominable military incursions of the Rwandan Army into the DRC—continue to be condoned by the international community. One must understand that even those among the refugees who are charged with criminal acts need to be treated as innocent until a court of law has established their guilt (see Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 11). Moreover, indiscriminate attacks against noncombatants does not only reinforce a culture of illogical violence that has long stained the social environment of Rwanda. It also calls into question the Rwandan government's commitment to comply with international standards of human rights, especially those stipulated in the 1949 Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War and the 1951 Refugee Convention.
The world of refugees that Surviving the Slaughter presents to us is, in fact, a historical case that highlights the myths and realities of the modern human rights discourse. Despite official adherence by both the Congolese and Rwandan governments to an array of international human rights instruments, including those mentioned above, and most deplorably, despite the physical presence of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as a U.N. body mandated to "lead and co-ordinate international action to protect refugees and resolve refugee problems," the picture of refugees that comes out of Umutesi's honest account is that of people living in extremely precarious security conditions. We learn much about the perils these refugees faced in their fiercely pursued havens (refugee camps) and the actions some of them took to make life at the camp bearable. The major concern of the UNHCR was the arrangement of as many repatriations as possible, a policy that is portrayed in Umutesi's book as a dangerous obsession that casts doubt over the organization's commitment to its most basic principles, such as the principle of voluntary repatriation and the principle of nonrepression ("non refoulement"). And as if this were not enough, when the situation was at its worst, the supposedly [End Page 105] protective U.N. body was nowhere to be found. Refugees were left on their own to fend for themselves, serving as shooting targets at times and always as human shields.
With respect to refugee-related policies, the book presents in explicit detail the unbelievably crude methods used by the Zairian government, which had "the sympathy of the U.N.," to force people to return to all-too-dangerous Rwanda. The government dismantled schooling activities, reduced food rations, and ordered soldiers who ostensibly had been deployed to protect the refugees to beat them and frog-march them to the Rwandan border. As the book reveals, these activities intermittently led disoriented and panicked refugees to take off in helter-skelter dashes in different directions, thus putting their hope for survival to an even greater test. The reader notices with disbelief the complicity of the UNHCR with both the governments of Rwanda and former Zaire in the brutal and forced repatriation of the refugees with no regard whatsoever for their safety. One is left to wonder whether outside of the rhetoric of international treaties and conventions refugees are still considered human beings with rights.
Probably the most important fact to note is that the book formulates a strong indictment against institutions, governments, and specific individuals for their political or criminal responsibility for the extreme suffering that Umutesi and fellow refugees underwent for several months. Umutesi's explicit determination to provide even the smallest details about the crimes (whether she personally witnessed them or they were reported to her by other survivors) makes this book an implicit but strong testimony on behalf of the lives and humanity lost. It would not be an overstatement to say that the book is in itself an outstanding call for justice.
An invaluable tribute to those people whom Umutesi knew and whose life journeys ended during the escalation of a conflict they understood little about, the book has done well by mentioning several victims by name. It is unlikely that any of these victims will ever have a proper burial; their bodies have not been found, and to their remaining family members they remain in the indefinite state of "declared missing." The burden of grief and false hope that weighs heavily on the bereaved families might be made lighter if politicians, military personnel, and all those responsible for the atrocious crimes—and also for the devastating silence—could in some way be held accountable. They simply should not get away with such heinous acts. Should this dream of justice come true one day, then the rhetorical question that ends Umutesi's book, "Is this the end of the nightmare?" will at least have received an answer.
Aloys Habimana is a human rights activist from Rwanda who has worked extensively on issues of transitional justice in his home country. For nearly a decade, he was an influential member of LIPRODHOR (Rwandan League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights), the most active human rights organization in Rwanda, serving the organization first in the capacity of Justice Project director before becoming senior program officer. Habimana joined the faculty of the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 2004 as a "Visiting Human Rights Scholar" and is currently pursuing a graduate law degree there.

Reference

French, Howard. 2004. A Continent for the Taking: The Tragedy and Hope of Africa. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
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Remaking Rwanda: State Building and Human Rights after Rwandan Mass Violence

The cover of Remaking Rwanda is black, with a photo of a soldier in front of a group of schoolchildren.
Remaking Rwanda
State Building and Human Rights after Mass Violence
Edited by Scott Straus and Lars Waldorf

Critical Human Rights



The first comprehensive critique of state reconstruction, peace-building, and human rights in post-genocide Rwanda

“This rich array of careful scholarship provides a valuable, multifaceted view of a country still struggling with the aftereffects of genocide and civil war. It offers an important corrective to the naively rosy picture of Rwanda that too often prevails in the American media.”
Adam Hochschild, author of King Leopold’s Ghost

In the mid-1990s, civil war and genocide ravaged Rwanda. Since then, the country’s new leadership has undertaken a highly ambitious effort to refashion Rwanda’s politics, economy, and society, and the country’s accomplishments have garnered widespread praise. Remaking Rwanda is the first book to examine Rwanda’s remarkable post- genocide recovery in a comprehensive and critical fashion. By paying close attention to memory politics, human rights, justice, foreign relations, land use, education, and other key social institutions and practices, this volume raises serious concerns about the depth and durability of the country’s reconstruction.

Edited by Scott Straus and Lars Waldorf, Remaking Rwanda brings together experienced scholars and human rights professionals to offer a nuanced, historically informed picture of post-genocide Rwanda—one that reveals powerful continuities with the nation’s past and raises profound questions about its future.

Remaking Rwanda is an ambitious book, a rich and varied compilation that demonstrates the full complement of approaches, methods, and concerns informing the study of post-genocide Rwanda.” —Lee Ann Fujii, author of Killing Neighbors: Webs of Violence in Rwanda

"An important contribution to scholarship both on Rwanda and on human rights. Many of the chapters, by leading and emergent Rwanda scholars, directly challenge received wisdom about governance in post-conflict-states, and raise serious questions about the impact of a range of transitional justice measures on longer-term peacebuilding."
—Chandra Lekha Sriram, author of Peace as Governance: Power-Sharing, Armed Groups and Contemporary Peace Negotiations

Scott Straus is associate professor of political science and international studies at the University of Wisconsin–Madison and author of The Order of Genocide: Race, Power, and War in Rwanda. Lars Waldorf, senior lecturer in international human rights law at the Centre for Applied Human Rights at the University of York, is coeditor of Localizing Transitional Justice and Disarming the Past: Transitional Justice and Ex-Combatants.

Critical Human Rights
Steve J. Stern and Scott Straus, Series Editors

Contributors:

An Ansoms,
Federico Borello,
Nigel Eltringham,
Sarah Warshauer Freedman, Paul Gready, Aloys Habimana,
Rachel Hayman
Chris Huggins,
Bert Ingelaere,
Timothy Longman, Lyndsay McLean Hilker, Jens Meierhenrich,
K. L. Murphy,
Catharine Newbury,
David Newbury,
Kirrily Pells,
Victor Peskin,
Max Rettig,
Filip Reyntjens,
Kenneth Roth,
Joseph Sebarenzi,
Jason Stearns,
Scott Straus,
Carina Tertsakian,
Susan M. Thomson,
Lars Waldorf,
Don Webster,
Harvey M. Weinstein,
and Eugenia Zorbas




For more information regarding publicity and reviews contact our publicity manager, Chris Caldwell, phone: (608) 263-0734, email: publicity@uwpress.wisc.edu
















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