Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch



Welcome to
Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch Blog. Our objective is to promote the institutions of democracy,social justice,Human Rights,Peace, Freedom of Expression, and Respect to humanity in Rwanda,Uganda,DR Congo, Burundi,Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya,Ethiopia, and Somalia. We strongly believe that Africa will develop if only our presidents stop being rulers of men and become leaders of citizens. We support Breaking the Silence Campaign for DR Congo since we believe the democracy in Rwanda means peace in DRC. Follow this link to learn more about the origin of the war in both Rwanda and DR Congo:http://www.rwandadocumentsproject.net/gsdl/cgi-bin/library


Showing posts with label Ingabire. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ingabire. Show all posts

Saturday, May 7, 2011

State Department War Crimes Chief Stephen Rapp’s cover-up of U.S. War Crimes in Rwanda Genocide

Daya Gamage – Foreign News Desk Asian Tribune Washington, DC. 29April
 
The April 28 report in The New York Times captioned ‘American Lawyer is Barred from Rwanda Tribunal Work’ caught the eye of this Online Daily’s Foreign News Desk which informed the readers that Peter Erlinder, a law professor in an American university, has been barred by the UN from working at the international tribunal for Rwanda based in the Tanzanian city of Arusha. He refused to travel to Arusa for fear of his life.
He said that he is a target of the Rwandan government and has even received threats while on lecture tours in the U.S.
Prof. Erlinder charges the current Paul Kahame regime of Rwanda of targeted assassinations of those who were accusing the Rwandan leader of genocide - 1990 through 1994 - in which one million people were killed. He and others who have given a long list of victims in many worldwide cities attributed those assassinations to the current Rwandan leadership of Paul Kagame.
One of the mysterious deaths known to the Asian Tribune network was a UN professional who worked to unearth the evidence of the Rwandan genocide – a Sri Lankan Shyamlal Rajapaksa who happened to be a first cousin of the present president of Sri Lanka Mahinda Rajapaksa. His killing in August 2009 in the Tanzanian city of Arusha where the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was headquartered is still a mystery.
Professor Peter Erlinder has come out with an array of evidence and interpretations of the direct culpability of the current Rwandan president Paul Kagame in the Rwandan genocide, how he and his colleagues were given military training in the U.S., how Kagame as the head of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a proxy force of the Pentagon according to Erlinder, invaded Rwanda to unleash a genocide with tacit approval of the United States, and in the following years how the United States took covert and overt steps to cover up its involvement in the Rwandan mass massacre.
It is here that Ambassador-at Large Stephen Rapp’s name emerge. Mr. Rapp is currently the head of the Office of War Crimes Issues of the U.S. Department of State, and in his previous position as the chief prosecutor of the Rwandan genocide, according to Peter Elinder, and many other investigators, Mr. Rapp was one of the main who was involved in the cover up of US involvement in the Rwandan Genocide.
The Asian Tribune readers may recall that Stephen Rapp in his capacity as the State Department’s War Crimes Issues chief who prepared and released a document in October 2009 with ambiguous evidence which accused Sri Lanka of violating international humanitarian laws during the final (Jan-May 2009) stage of the battle with separatist/terrorist Tamil Tigers (LTTE).
In October 1990, the Ugandan army and the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF) led by Major General Paul Kagame invaded Rwanda. The guerrillas who violated international laws and committed massive war crimes were backed by Britain, Belgium, the United States and Israel, according to many investigators and researchers. By July 1994, the RPF completed its coup d'etat and consolidated its power in Rwanda.
On April 6, 1994, the governments of Rwanda and Burundi were decapitated when the plane carrying the two presidents and top military staff was shot down over Kigali, Rwanda's capital. The well-planned assassinations of Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira sparked a massive escalation of warfare that is falsely portrayed as the result of meaningless tribal savagery. These assassinations were major war crimes, and the RPF and UPDF were responsible, but almost every attempt to honestly investigate the double presidential assassinations has been blocked by the U.S. and its allies.
A frequent contributor to a think tank called Global Research, Prof. Elinder outlined the United States endeavor in the cover up of its own culpability in the Rwandan genocide.
He wrote: “The July 9, 2009 New York Times reported that the Obama administration had selected Stephen Rapp to replace the Bush administration Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes, Pierre Prosper. Rapp began his international career at the UN Security Council Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 2001, while Carla Del Ponte was Chief Rwanda Prosecutor. Rapp’s nomination just a few months after Del Ponte’s of her memoir of her years as Chief UN Prosecutor, Madam Prosecutor: Confronting Humanity’s Worst Criminals and the Culture of Impunity was published in English.
“Del Ponte’s book describes in detail the systematic U.S.-initiated cover-up of crimes by the current Rwandan government, a U.S. ally, committed during the Rwanda Genocide, and how she was removed from her ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) position in 2003 by U.S. Ambassador Prosper, himself, when she refused to cooperate with the U.S.-initiated “cover-up.”
According to Del Ponte, her ICTR Office had the evidence to prosecute Kagame for “touching-off” the Rwanda Genocide by ordering the assassination of Rwanda’s former President Juvenal, Habyarimana, long before 2003. She also details the dozens of massacre sites, involving thousands of victims, for which the current Rwandan President, Paul Kagame and his military, should be prosecuted. The well-publicized canard, that “the identity of the assassins of Habyarimana is unknown” is a bald-faced lie, well -known by ICTR Prosecutors, according to Ms. Del Ponte, writes Prof. Elinder in Global Research.
Two years after Del Ponte was removed from office, Stephen Rapp became “Chief” of ICTR Prosecutions with access to all of the evidence known to Ms. Del Ponte, and more that has been made public in the past few years. During his four years at the ICTR, Rapp like Del Ponte, also was in a position to prosecute Kagame and members of the current government of Rwanda but, not ONE member of Kagame’s military has been prosecuted at the ICTR, to date…and the “cover-up” revealed by Del Ponte, continues today. And, unlike, Ms. Del Ponte, who was fired by the U.S., Mr. Rapp was first rewarded with an appointment as Chief Prosecutor at the U.S.-funded Sierra Leone Tribunal and now, a coveted ambassadorship by the Obama administration as the chief of the Office of War Crimes Issues at the State Department.
Mr. Rapp, for reasons known and unknown to the Asian Tribune, used ambiguous and conflicting information and data to accuse Sri Lanka of violating International Humanitarian Laws (IHL) in a report released to the US Congress in October 2009.
Former Chief ICTR Prosecutor Del Ponte Details War Crimes “Cover-up”
According to Del Ponte, in May 2003 she was called to Washington D.C. by Prosper (ironically, also a former ICTR prosecutor with knowledge of Kagame’s crimes) who informed her that the U.S. would remove her UN post, if she carried through with her publicly announced plans to indict Kagame and members of his government and military. According to Del Ponte, when she refused to knuckle-under because “she worked for the UN, - not for the U.S” Prosper told her ICTR career was over. In October Del Ponte was replaced by a US-approved ICTR prosecutor, Hassan Abubacar Jallow, who elevated Rapp to “Chief of Prosecution” two years later.
ICTR Trials: More Evidence of Rwanda Crimes Cover-Up
Del Ponte’s revelations are not the only evidence that a U.S.-initiated “war crimes cover-up” at the ICTR is creating impunity for crimes committed by the Kagame and his military. On September 10, 1994 memo in evidence in the ICTR Military-1 Trial confirms that U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher was informed that Kagame’s troops were killing “10,000 civilians a month” in military-style, according to an investigation funded by US Agency for International Development (USAID). And, as early as January 1997, a team made up of Chief ICTR Investigative Prosecutor and former Australian Crown Prosecutor Michael Hourigan; former FBI Agent James Lyons; and former UN-Chief of Military Intelligence in Rwanda, Amadou Deme; reported Louise Arbour, Ms. Del Ponte’s predecessor, that Kagame should be prosecuted for assassinating the previous president. Arbour scuttled the investigation, suppressed the report and disbanded the investigative team.
Shortly, thereafter, Arbour was elevated to Canada’s Supreme Court and has sunsequently been chosen to head the International Crisis Group.
Louise Arbour as the head of the International Crisis Group released a report in May 2010 accusing Sri Lanka of war crimes said: “Evidence gathered by the International Crisis Group suggests that these months saw tens of thousands of Tamil civilian men, women, children and the elderly killed, countless more wounded, and hundreds of thousands deprived of adequate food and medical care, resulting in more deaths. This evidence also provides reasonable grounds to believe the Sri Lankan security forces committed war crimes with top government and military leaders potentially responsible.”
Former ICTR Prosecutor Rapp Complicit in Cover-up
But, even though Arbour suppressed the “Hourigan Report,” Del Ponte, Rapp and other ICTR prosecutors certainly knew about it, because ICTR judges had ordered Del Ponte’s Office to release the “Hourigan report” to a defense team as early as the year 2000, a year before Rapp began his ICTR work, and three years before Del Ponte was fired by Prosper.
Prof. Peter Elinder says “But….to date, not one indictment has been issued against Kagame by the ICTR Prosecutor.”
Consequences of the ICTR Cover-up of Kagame’s Crimes
The tragic consequence of the failure to prosecute Kagame at the ICTR, from 1994 to date, is that Kagame has been free to invade the Congo in 1996 and 1998, and to occupy part of the eastern Congo many-times larger than Rwanda, to this day. No less than four UN Security Council-commissioned Panel of Experts Report(s) on the Illegal Exploitation of the DR Congo (2001, 2002, 2003 and December 2008) have detailed the massive rape of the Congo’s resources that has brought vast riches to Kagame and his inner circle.
While Rapp was ICTR Senior Trial Attorney in 2003, Kagame was effectively elected President-for-Life with 95% of the vote, after banning opposition parties and jailing opponents, in “a climate of intimidation” according to EU observers.
“Chief of Prosecutions” Rapp Withheld Exculpatory Evidence
In February 2009, the ICTR issued its Judgment the Military-1 case, that main case at the ICTR, in which Mr. Rapp personally appeared for the Prosecution. Although massive violence did occur in Rwanda, the court certainly recognized that blaming only one side WAS a falsehood, when it acquitted all of the “architects of the killing machine” (as Mr. Rapp called the defendants in court) of conspiracy or planning to kill civilians. The highest ranking military-officer was acquitted of all charges.
And, although it is now clear from Ms. Del Ponte’s memoirs that Mr. Rapp had the evidence to clear the ICTR defendants of the assassination charges and only the losing side has been blamed for all crimes committed in Rwanda in 1994. Simply put, Mr. Rapp and other ICTR prosecutors have withheld evidence that would be beneficial to the defense, contrary to Tribunal Rules; have prosecuted defendants for crimes they knew were committed by Kagame’s forces; and, have created a system of “judicial impunity” that has permitted Kagame to kill millions in the eastern Congo.
It is in this context that Prof. Peter Elinder writing to Global Security questioned President Obama’s wisdom in appointing Stephen Rapp as the head of the Office of War Crimes Issue at the State Department in this manner: “This “inconvenient-African-truth,” raises an uncomfortable question regarding President Obama’s nomination of Mr. Rapp, in the first place: Are Obama and his advisors ignorant of the public record regarding Rapp’s complicity in the ICTR Cover-up….or do they just not give a damn?”
The U.S. Culpability in Rwanda Genocide
Aimable Mugara in a piece to OpEdNews put it this way: “In 1990, General Kagame who was the Chief of Military Intelligence of Uganda and head of the Rwandan Patriotic Forces (RPF) led a violent invasion of Rwanda from Uganda, with the approval and support (financial, military and political) of the United States government. This violent war changed the landscape of that region forever. By landscape, I also mean the number of mass graves that dot every of inch of that region now. The two final years of President Bush the father, during which his American government supported the murderous gang of General Kagame and Yoweri Museveni resulted in the deaths of many innocent Rwandan and Ugandan civilians. During those two years, there are thousands who lost their lives at the hands of General Kagame's soldiers and Yoweri Museveni's soldiers. But this was nothing compared to the more than 6 millions of civilians that would later die under Bill Clinton's 8 year reign, with American money, American weapons and American political support.”
In a September 30, 2010 New York Times article titled ‘Dispute Over U.N. Report Evokes Rwandan Déjà Vu’, it is mentioned how in the fall of 1994, a United Nations investigation discovered that General Kagame's forces had killed tens of thousand of innocent civilians that year. That under pressure from Bill Clinton's government, the United Nations was forced not to publish that report. In that New York Times article, they talk about how the 1994 UN report describes General Kagame's soldiers "rounding up civilians and methodically killing unarmed men, women and children."
“Kagame received his military education under the Pentagon’s Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) at the Command and General Staff College of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, beginning in 1990,” wrote John E. Peck of the Association of African Scholars (2002). “His sidekick, Lt. Col. Frank Rusagara, got his JCET schooling at the U.S. Naval Academy in Monterey, California. Both were dispatched to Rwanda in time to oversee the RPF’s takeover in 1994. Far from being an innocent bystander, the Washington Post revealed on July 12, 1998 that the United States not only gave Kagame $75 million in military assistance, but also sent Green Berets to train Kagame’s forces (as well as their Ugandan rebel allies) in low intensity conflict (LIC) tactics. Pentagon subcontractor Ronco, masquerading as a de-mining company, also smuggled more weapons to RPF fighters in flagrant violation of UN sanctions. All of this U.S. largesse was put to lethal effect in the ethnic bloodbath that is still going on.”
In 2009 published Edward S. Herman and David Peterson's investigative/research book The Politics of Genocide said: “The United States and its allies worked hard in the early 1990s to weaken the Rwandan government, forcing the abandonment of many of the economic and social gains from the social revolution of 1959, thereby making the Habyarimana government less popular, and helping to reinforce the Tutsi minority’s economic power.9 Eventually, the RPF was able to achieve a legal military presence inside Rwanda, thanks to a series of ceasefires and other agreements. These agreements led to the Arusha Peace Accords of August 1993, pressed upon the Rwandan government by the United States and its allies, called for the “integration” of the armed forces of Rwanda and the RPF, and for a “transitional,” power-sharing government until national elections could be held in 1995.10 These Peace Accords positioned the RPF for its bloody overthrow of a relatively democratic coalition government, and the takeover of the Rwandan state by a minority dictatorship.”
The U.S. State Department’s Office of War Crimes Issues chief Stephen Rapp knew this entire Rwandan episode, the U.S. interests in Paul Kagame, the UN concealment of the 1994 report at the behest of the Clinton administration, the U.S. military assistance to Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front and the entire exercise of the ‘Rwandan cover up’ to conceal the U.S. culpability in the Rwandan genocide when he focused his attention elsewhere; Sri Lanka.
- Asian Tribune -

Saturday, October 16, 2010

Army General Rwarakabije was tasked to hire hutu agents from FDRL to collaborate in Kagame's Machiavelli plan.

SOURCE: UMUVUGIZI
Translation by Claire Umurungi
The Rwandan directory of military intelligence DMI in collaboration with the national police force masterminded the conspiracy to indict Madam Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza with charges of participating in terrorist activities. Army General Rwarakabije was tasked to hire hutu agents from FDRL that can be reliable and easily influenced to collaborate in the Machiavelli plan.

Gen.Rwarakabije the Mastermind of Ingabire's Arrest
At was revealed to us by an insider of Kagame’s secret services, it was confirmed that the plan to imprison Madam Victoire Ingabire was engineered by Colonel Dan Munyuza assisted by general Rwarakabije. General Rwarakabije was asked to identify an agent to enable them carry out the plan, someone ready to make sacrifices, ready to be jailed and accept charges in exchange of a big reward once they get him out of prison.
Information we received confirms that, General Rwarakabije picked and brought in one of his men from FDRL, a certain Major Uwumuremyi. Uwumurenyi arrived in Rwanda a few months ago with his group. Once in Rwanda he was given a mission to return to Congo to spy on his comrades. He carried out his secret missions on several occasions before they were able to trust him. Information we have confirms that he received a large amount of money to convince him and be confident.

Our informant told us that, when General Kayumba and Colonel Karegeya defected and fled the country, the Kagame’s army intelligent services planned to accuse them of terrorism crimes so that they can be brought back to Rwanda. They also attempted to get them hated; especially that it is known that both men have strong support in the army and civil community of the RPF party.

This plan was made by the Directory of Military Intelligence (DMI), which invented a ghost army called CDF (Coalition of Democratic Forces). Then the Directory issued press releases and tracts. In actual fact, this army group does not exist. It was first invented to create grounds for extraditing exiled army generals back to Rwanda.

When this strategy did not work as planned as South Africa refused to extradite both generals, the plan was redirected at Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza’s arrest, using agent Major Uwumuremyi, especially because her previous accusations were widely seen as false. International community kept condemning these common accusations as a political tool to stifle the opposition to the point that Kagame’s government accepted to undertake a review of the law they are based on.

Secret services carefully planned Victoire Ingabire’s case. When the conspiracy was properly set, the plan was submitted to Kagame who accepted it. He immediately started to use the argument that it is not illegal to indict an opposition figure when they are guilty. He passed on the plan to the police and the prosecutor’s office so that they can start acting on it. General Rwarakabije’s agent, Uwumuremyi, was already prepared to falsely accuse Victoire Ingabire of participating in the formation of the army group.

Kagame kept arguing with international community that it was not illegal to arrest and bring to court someone who threatens national security. This argument is also related to the government swearing in ceremony speech a few days ago. He complained that the international community is asking him to allow space for his political opponents while they, in their countries, punish those who are opposed to their governments: “We know that they arrested a member of parliament because of his anti-Muslim views, but they condemn our arrest of those with genocide ideology”.
He kept hammering the argument that it is not wrong to punish someone who threatens Rwandan national security, that they have no right to call him a dictator. These statements were paving a way to the planned Victoire Ingabire’s arrest.

At this moment, International community, especially donor countries, are putting pressure on Kagame to accept to form a government with his opposition. This way, he would be able to prove that the opposition is made up of criminals. Another reason is that Ingabire was being very competitive to Kagame since she was criticising him publicly and was effectively collaborating with donors on Rwandan political issues. She was being a serious obstacle to Kagame’s foreign policy.

Another thing that was revealed by the information we received was that, as the international community was putting pressure on Kagame, he devised a plan to approach Lawyer Bernard Ntaganda [who is now in prison] to use him to character assassinate Victoire Ingabire. This plan was to lure Ntaganda on their side as they did with many other opposition politicians, such as [Senator Stanley] Safari, who helped destroy their own parties in exchange good posts.

Information stated that [Ntaganda] was met in prison and was asked to sign statements apologizing to Kagame and stating that he disown Victoire Ingabire. In exchange he was to be released from prison and rewarded an important post in the government. He was called in the “1930” Prison Director’s office, at night to meet with those in charge of convincing him. It is stated that he was taken outside the prison to be able to convince even further.

Bernard Ntaganda categorically refused to sign. As a punishment, he was transferred into a solitary confinement in atrocious conditions.
Information also confirmed that it is a strong possibility that Victoire will be given a slow killer type of poison that will put an end to her political career. Equally it is confirmed that special intelligence for diplomatic missions are working hard to convince ambassadors that Victoire Ingabire was part of the terrorist army group.

As soon as she arrived in Rwanda, Victoire Ingabire was accused of genocide ideology and genocide denial as well as of collaborating with armed group FDRL. It is alleged that she provided financial support to the army group.

Today all of these allegations have changed. She is now accused of participating in the formation of a new army wing CDF and of supplying it with weapons. Those who are familiar with these ever-changing charges can notice that this is pure fabrication. On the other hand, they can confirm that this culture within RPF led by Kagame has cost lives of innocent people who happen to have different political opinion from that of Kagame.

Gasasira.
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Wednesday, June 30, 2010

Prof.Peter Erlinder said: Arrest in Kigali “a nightmare”


Peter Erlinder, lead defense counsel for top genocide suspects at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), was released from a Rwandan prison on June 18th. The law professor was charged with genocide denial after questioning the official Rwandan version of the 1994 genocide. Click here to listen to the Radio Interview that Prof.Erlinder held with Chad Hartman

Erlinder was detained on May 28th while in Kigali to defend opposition presidential candidate Victoire Ingabire.

He spoke to IJT’s Hermione Gee about his detention.


The arrest was a nightmare. I was having my breakfast coffee and finishing my croissant at the pool of my hotel when six young men surrounded me and very politely said come with us. They took me to a police facility, where I was held for about three hours or so. I was not questioned very much. Then we drove back to the hotel. They had a search warrant to search my room, but I had no idea what they were looking for. Everything I could ever be accused of saying is published on the web, so I was not sure what they expected to find in my room.

Did they tell you what you were charged with?

I am being investigated for speech and thought crimes, not because of anything in the material world. Rwanda has passed so-called call genocide denial laws or genocide ideology laws and they claim there is something similar to Holocaust denial laws in Europe. I guess there are some similarities but because the way they define genocide is so broad that anyone who questions the government’s version of events during the civil war that led to them taking power is accused of either being a genocide denier or having genocide ideology and the sole accusation is enough.

What did they ask you during the interrogations?

They would take out an article that I had written - which is available on the web - read excerpts to me and ask what I meant by that, inquiring about what my positions were. Basically it was based on my public writing.

Then they started to ask questions about what had had been filed in court. For example, there’s a pending lawsuit against Kagame in Oklahoma city for the assassination of [former Rwandan President] Juvenal Habyarimana and Burundian President Ntaryamina. They quoted sections from that pleading as my crime.

And then I also quoted the indictments issued by the French judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere - who also laid the responsibility over Habyarimana’s murder at Kagame’s doorstep - and Spanish judge Morales - who had identified 350,000 Hutu victims of [Kagame’s] RPF soldiers.
The fact that I cited the indictments they issued was used as a basis to charge me with a crime. As well as my arguments at the ICTR.

Have the charges against you been dropped?
I don’t think so. In the Rwandan system these investigations can go on indefinitely. Now, the investigation can proceed. If they decide to charge me we’ll deal with it at that time. Or, if during the investigation, I am called back to provide more evidence I will keep my pledge to return.


I am a legal academic, a lawyer and not a scofflaw. I have no hesitancy defending myself on the merits in court. I would love to do that. In fact, if I had the opportunity to do that I could then introduce into the Rwandan courts all of the documents that I have already accumulated. That will mean the people of Rwanda for the first time in history will be able to see what their real history is. I am not sure if the Rwandan government is going to want that to occur. click here to read the Rwanda Document Project of Prof.Peter Erlinder which details the new revelation of how Rwanda genocide happened and the international involvement.


If it turns out that the legitimacy of the government is based on a story that is factually untrue, and if having the trial requires me to prove that its factually untrue - which I am prepared to do - it might seem to me that logic would prevail. But logic doesn’t necessarily drive these decisions.


However, it is also true that in the interim the UN and the ICTR have both concluded that everything that I am charged with is covered by the immunity that I have because of my work at the ICTR. It all derives from that. So then the effect of that immunity has to be addressed some time in the future if I am called back

Tuesday, June 29, 2010

Political repression in Rwanda in lead up to poll


Insecurity and political repression are increasing in advance of Rwanda's August 2010 presidential elections, Human Rights Watch warned Monday.

In the last two days, an independent journalist has been killed, the leader of an opposition party has been detained by the police, and other opposition party members have been arrested.

"The security situation is rapidly deteriorating," said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "With only 45 days left before the election, the government is lashing out to silence its opponents and critics."

The Rwandan government should investigate all incidents of violence and ensure that opposition activists and journalists are able to carry out their legitimate activities in safety, Human Rights Watch said.

Jean-Leonard Rugambage, a journalist for the newspaper Umuvugizi, was shot dead shortly after 10pm on June 24 outside his home in Nyamirambo, in the capital, Kigali. His colleagues and other sources in Rwanda told Human Rights Watch that the assailant appeared to be waiting for the journalist as he returned home.

As Rugambage drove up to his gate, a man approached his car and fired several shots at close range, hitting him in the head and chest. Rugambage died on the spot. The assailant then drove off. Police arrived on the scene and took Rugambage's body to the police hospital in Kacyiru for autopsy. The police stated on June 25 that they were investigating his death.

Umuvugizi, an independent newspaper that has often been critical of the government, had published an article online on the morning Rugambage was killed, alleging that the Rwandan government was behind the attempted murder of a former Rwandan general, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, in South Africa on June 19, and implicating senior officials. General Kayumba, once a close ally of President Paul Kagame and a former chief-of-staff of the Rwandan army, has become an increasingly outspoken critic of the government since fleeing to South Africa in February 2010. Umuvugizi's editor said that Rugambage had been investigating the murder attempt on Kayumba and had reported being under increased surveillance in the days leading up to his death.

"We are shocked and saddened by the death of this courageous journalist," Peligal said. "Freedom of expression is already severely restricted in Rwanda, but the death of Rugambage is a further chilling blow to investigative journalism and, more broadly, to freedom of expression in the country."

Human Rights Watch called on the Rwandan authorities to ensure that those responsible for Rugambage's murder are brought to justice without delay, and to ensure the security and protection of other journalists.

In the early hours of June 24, police entered the house of Bernard Ntaganda, leader of the opposition party PS-Imberakuri, and took him away for questioning. He has spent two days in police custody and is believed to be detained at Kicukiro police station. The exact accusations against him are not confirmed, but it is thought that the police have questioned him, among other things, about his alleged involvement in an attempted arson attack on the house of former party vice-president, Christine Mukabunani, and inciting ethnic divisions.

Members of the PS-Imberakuri reported that the police raided Ntaganda's house and the party's office and took away documents and other belongings. By June 25, the party's flag and sign had been taken down from their office.

Later on the morning of June 24, several members of PS-Imberakuri were rounded up by the police and taken into custody after they gathered outside the US embassy; they had gone there to ask for help following Ntaganda's arrest. Some were released, but several, including the party's secretary-general, Théobald Mutarambirwa, remained in detention in various locations in Kigali on June 25.

Also on the morning of June 24, police arrested several members of the FDU-Inkingi opposition party, who had gathered outside the Justice Ministry to protest a court case against their party president, Victoire Ingabire. Most were released on June 25, but the party's secretary-general, Sylvain Sibomana, treasurer, Alice Muhirwa, and Kigali representative, Theoneste Sibomana, were still in detention at the police station in Kicukiro on June 26. Some FDU-Inkingi members reported that when the police broke up their gathering, the police told them that they should stop being members of the party. Police also surrounded Ingabire's house at about 6am on June 24, and stayed there for most of the day.

Members of both parties reported being beaten by the police.

On June 25, the Commissioner General of Police issued a statement saying that about 40 individuals had attempted to hold a demonstration without a permit, that 22 people had been arrested and questioned, 14 had been released and eight were being held for further questioning.

"These incidents are occurring at the very moment that parties are putting forward candidates for the presidential elections," Peligal said. "The government is ensuring that opposition parties are unable to function and are excluded from the political process."

The killing of Rugambage was not the first incident of violence against journalists. In February 2007, a group of assailants attacked Umuvugizi's editor, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, in a near fatal incident outside his house, after he spoke out at a presidential news conference about the harassment of journalists. No one has been brought to justice for the attack.

In July 2009, the information minister publicly declared that "the days of the destructive press are numbered," referring to Umuvugizi and a second independent newspaper, Umuseso. Within 24 hours, the national prosecutor's office had summoned Gasasira to answer allegations of defamation, a criminal offense punishable with imprisonment. Gasasira was convicted and sentenced to pay a large fine. Umuseso faced similar defamation charges for exposing scandals involving public figures. In February, a court sentenced its former editor, Charles Kabonero, to a year in prison and the current editor, Didas Gasana, and a reporter, Richard Kayigamba, to six months each. The editors of both newspapers have fled the country after receiving repeated threats.

On April 13, the Media High Council, a government-aligned body in charge of regulating the media, suspended Umuseso and Umuvuzigi for six months, and then called for their definitive closure. It alleged, among other things, that some of their articles constituted a threat to national security. The newspapers' appeal against the suspension is still pending. The suspension has effectively shut down most independent reporting in advance of the elections, since Umuseso and Umuvugizi were among the very few active independent newspapers left in Rwanda. Umuvugizi has since posted an electronic version of its newspaper, but access to its website has been blocked inside Rwanda.

Incidents of harassment and intimidation of members of opposition parties have steadily increased in the months leading up to the August elections. Ntaganda and Ingabire, as well as their party members, have been especially targeted. Unless the situation changes in the very near future, none of the three main opposition parties (PS-Imberakuri, FDU-Inkingi, and the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda) will be able to take part in the elections. Parties and independent candidates must submit their candidacies to the National Electoral Commission by July 2.

Monday, June 28, 2010

The “Messiah” who is putting Kagame to the test


The “Messiah” who is putting Kagame to the test
From the East Africa's Independent Media Review

She remains determined and hopeful in her dream to become Rwanda’s next president and possibly the first-ever female head of state in the volatile Great Lakes Region of Africa. But if hope is her charisma, she must know by now the road to this feat is potentially very rough.


Victoire Ingabire, 42, is the chairperson of the yet to be registered Unified Democratic Forces (UDF), a coalition of Rwandan opposition parties with members in Rwanda and abroad. She returned to Rwanda only last month, after 16 years of exile in the Netherlands, to register her party and get ready for the August presidential elections.


She has since proved a constant pickle to spin doctors in Kigali who have been running a series of hate stories against her and the party she represents, in a manner, only reminiscent of the hate media days that characterised the country prior to the genocide (see threat to sue).
The government leaning and sole English daily in the country, The New Times, has consistently run very critical commentaries about her, some so nasty and badly written the authors’ names had to be concealed according to inside sources at the paper.


But while this is probably what Ingabire will have been told to expect the day she made the decision to go back to Rwanda and prepare to contest for the top seat in the land, events from the last couple of weeks after her arrival have left many wondering whether the country’s media industry may have learnt anything from its distasteful past.


One would think that having witnessed the awful manner in which publications like Kangura and radio stations like RTLM were used in pre-genocide times to spread hatred among Rwandans, media practitioners in today’s Rwanda would be the last to resort to hate campaigns and dehumanisation. Not so says one Felix Muheto.


In an editorial that appeared in January 21 of The New Times, one Felix Muheto, who it has to be noted is a pseudo name for a leading Kigali spin doctor, imperially questioned Ingabire’s credentials as a presidential candidate in a manner that casts doubt as to whether journalism in Rwanda has changed for better or worse post genocide.


“Mrs. Victoire Ingabire, in her Parmehutu nostalgic mind thought it wise to start her ill-fated struggle for the country’s highest office by seeking her ideological ancestors’ blessing for another revolution.


“Well! Is she the messiah who is going to cleanse them of their confessed sins for participating in genocide while planning to involve them into another?” he wrote.


Muheto’s stinging allegations were even considered so important that The New Times, which maintains is an exemplary and constructive media house, published his opinion as an editorial.


Patrick Bigabo, a journalist and former employee of The New Times who currently is in private business, says it is not a failure to learn from the past but a concerted desire to hustle free speech.


“It has nothing to do with preserving what we have achieved over the years. Truth is, Kigali has been caught pants down. Ingabire is viewed as a threat and so to counter her resurgence, the only tool is to attack. They will go to any level to make it extremely difficult for her,” he says.
And go for her they have. Immediately after arriving in Rwanda on January 16, Ingabire headed to the genocide memorial at Gisozi on the outskirts of the capital Kigali where she delivered a speech. The government says her speech aimed at evoking arguments of a double genocide, Ingabire’s camp maintains her speech was honest and aimed at challenging critical thinking and looking at Rwanda’s history “objectively”.


Whatever the case, Ingabire’s arrival and subsequent speeches in Rwanda appear to be making Kagame’s government run scared. Otherwise why would Muheto and the lot find themselves pre-occupied with criticising and literally demonising a lady who many agree stands no chance of winning the August election?


There is little chance her party will get registered. Her mother has already been accused of playing a role in the 1994 genocide and was sentenced in absentia by the Gacaca court of Butamwa. Even Ingabire’s camp is aware the government is trying to use this against their presidential hopeful.
A recent communiqué from a party member, Chris Nzabandora noted: “In a healthy democracy, discussion should be focused on issues not individuals. Ms. Ingabire is in Rwanda to defend a program not her own personal interest. The New Times is trying out cheap propaganda to imply that genocide ideology is a family rooted crime, to which every family member is answerable. This is not true.”

Ingabire Attacked
That a presidential hopeful was attacked by youths and his aide beaten up so severely to the extent he had to be rushed to hospital calls into question whether the government is ready and willing to provide security to aspirants. There is rumour too that the attack was an inside job by some elements within the establishment keen at sending Ingabire a message that she either gives up or prepares to face similar or even worse incidents. This argument is corroborated by the inconsistencies in the reports of events as told to different media outlets by Police spokesman Supt Eric Kayiranga.


While he told Reuters that Ingabire was beaten up by youth angry at her politics, he told Africa Confidential on phone that the five men police being held by police over the matter confessed they wanted to steal her bag and had nothing to do with Ingabire as a politician.
But speaking to Reuters, Gregory Mthembu Salter, a research associate at the South African Institute of International Affairs, said the attack may reflect a need for Rwanda to uphold freedom of speech better.
Rwanda has often been criticized for its continued limits on freedom of speech, press freedom and rule of law, which the government vehemently denies. The coming presidential election will be a stern test to the establishment in Kigal

Sunday, June 27, 2010

Erlinder released as Kagame cracks down on his own

Erlinder released as Kagame cracks down on his own
June 27, 2010
[Translate]

by Ann Garrison
American law professor Peter Erlinder returns

Peter Erlinder’s Kenyan lawyer Otachi Gershom, who, like Erlinder, is a defense lawyer at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda and opposition politician Victoire Ingabire left a Kigali courtroom relieved after a Rwandan judge agreed to release Erlinder on medical grounds.
U.S. law professor Peter Erlinder returned from three weeks imprisonment, from May 28 to June 17, in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, where he had traveled to act as defense counsel for embattled presidential candidate Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. Ingabire remains under house arrest, unable to leave the country, and faces a possible 20-year prison sentence. Both she and Erlinder are still accused of violating Rwanda’s unique “genocide ideology” speech crime, which means disagreeing with the official history of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide.

A Rwandan judge agreed to release Erlinder but only on medical grounds, not in response to the argument that his free speech rights and thus, by extension, the free speech rights of Victoire Ingabire and other Rwandans are guaranteed by the international human rights covenants that Rwanda has signed or by Rwanda’s membership in the British Commonwealth.

In his press conference at William and Mitchell College of Law in Minneapolis-St. Paul on Wednesday, June 23, following his return, Professor Erlinder thanked all the people around the world who had called for his release, and said that he owed his life to them and to the Internet. He called it a triumph for people power, but he also said that it would not have occurred if he had not been a white American lawyer with friends, family and allies capable of organizing and lobbying relentlessly for his release.

In Kigali, Ingabire said that Professor Erlinder’s arrest demonstrated the nature of the Rwandan regime. She called on all those who supported him to support Rwandans now.

She said, as Sen. Russ Feingold, chair of the Senate Subcommittee on Africa, has in the Feingold Statement on the Fragility of Democracy in Africa, that the U.S should insist on democracy in Rwanda as a condition of its donor nation support.

However, with Rwanda’s 2010 election now only seven weeks away, and neither the FDU-Inkingi nor the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda allowed to contest the election, more and more Rwandans are losing hope and some have even concluded that only military invasion could unseat the Kagame regime, a possibility that President Kagame has attempted to circumvent by force repatriating refugees who might join a rebel army.
Assassins go after Rwandan exile Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa

On Saturday, June 25, an unidentified gunman attempted to assassinate Rwandan exile Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, an outspoken critic of President Kagame and a potential leader of a rebel army invading to overthrow him. The gunman opened fire on Kayumba as he returned home from a grocery store in Johannesburg, South Africa.
Rwandan police arrested P.S. Imberakuri presidential candidate Bernard Ntaganda in his home on the morning of Thursday, June 24, to prevent him from leaving for a protest he had called at the National Electoral Commission. Meanwhile, Rwandan President Paul Kagame was registering his “candidacy” in the faux election that Ntaganda and the other viable candidates have been excluded from.
Ingabire condemned the assassination attempt as another example of Kagame’s favored method of eliminating exiled dissidents and called once again for nonviolent political, not military, solutions.

Rwandan exile and Ingabire supporter Jean Manirarora, now a microbiological research scientist in Louisville, Kentucky, also called for political solutions but said that Gen. Kayumba has become the greatest threat to President Kagame because he is a Tutsi general popular with both Rwandan Hutus and Tutsis and could thus lead a Hutu and Tutsi army into Rwanda, with credible claim to being a national liberation army, not an army of genocidaires.

“There is no sign of an army organizing to invade Rwanda,” Manirarora said, but if there were and if Kayumba were to lead it, no one could say that he had come to finish off the Tutsi because he himself is a Tutsi.

On Thursday, June 24, hundreds of Rwandan opposition leaders and members, including P.S. Imberakuri Party leader and presidential candidate Bernard Ntaganda, were assaulted and arrested because of a protest planned at Rwanda’s National Electoral Commission that morning, as President Paul Kagame registered his candidacy and all the viable opposition was excluded. On the same day, the deputy editor of Rwanda’s Umuvugizi newspaper, Jean Leonard Rugambage, was shot dead on the way into his home in Kigali.

Shocked and grief stricken, Umuvugizi editor Jean Bosco Gasasiras, now in exile in Uganda, accused Rwandan President Paul Kagame of ordering his security operatives to assassinate Rugambage. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa’s wife Rosette continues to accuse Kagame of sending operatives to assassinate her husband, and Rwandan journalist Godwin Agaba, also in exile in Uganda, said that Rugambage had just written a story revealing a plot to poison Kayumba in his sickbed in South Africa, where he is recovering from last week’s attempt on his life.
In the shadow of AFRICOM, the U.S. Africa Command

Africa’s oil rich Gulf of Guinea
These arrests and intrigue in Rwanda create urgencies that distract from an AFRICOM (U.S. Africa Command) conference that concluded in Kigali at the same time Professor Erlinder was being released. The conference was called to plan an August military “exercise” in Accra, Ghana, on the Gulf of Guinea, which is critical to the control of West African oil and gas and oil and gas transport corridors in the Gulf of Guinea and the rivers flowing into it.

On May 16, 2001, the Office of Vice President Richard Cheney produced a document titled “West African Oil: a Priority for U.S. National Security and African Development,” a “National Energy Policy Report.” For whatever reason, the policy report’s Web URL is http://www.israeleconomy.org/strategic/africawhitepaper/pdf.

The Rwanda News Agency (RNA) reported on the conclusion of the AFRICOM conference in a story with the headline “U.S. military not intending to control Africa” – says Army chief.” The RNA report quoted a senior Rwandan military chief saying, “A new U.S. military program training African armies including Rwanda is not a U.S. move to dominate the African continent.”

Many Africans, not only Rwandan and Congolese, and Americans, especially African Americans, seemed to believe that this statement reduced the credibility of the Kagame government, which also insists that it had nothing to do with the latest round of assassinations and assassination attempts in Rwanda and surrounding nations.

San Francisco writer Ann Garrison writes for the San Francisco Bay View, Digital Journal, Examiner.com, OpEdNews, Global Research, Colored Opinions and her blog, Plutocracy Now. She can be reached at anniegarrison@gmail.com.
KPFA News broadcast June 26

Pirate Cat Radio broadcast June 19

Related Posts

Spanish President Zapatero Warned Against Working with Criminal Kagame



Spanish President Zapatero Warned Against Working with Criminal Kagame

by David O'Brian

Madrid, Spain.

by AfroAmerica Network

http://www.afroamerica.net/AfricaGL

Spanish Citizens have asked their President, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, to decline his appointment by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon to serve as Co-Chair of the UN Millennium Development Goals Initiative along with the Rwandan Dictator, General Paul Kagame. The key initiators of the petition against the appointment, Joan Carrero, president, Fundació S´Olivar and Bernat Vicens, president, Drets Humans de Mallorca, argue that the UN is a corrupt institution and that President Zapatero risks to go down in history as the President of Spain who shook the bloody hands and sat the same table with one of the worst criminal in human history.

The authors of the petition to the Spanish President write: “Mr. Zapatero: this denunciation is not against you, but rather for your sake. It’s the denunciation made by people who are deeply disappointed with your behavior concerning this current major conflict, a conflict in which nine Spanish nationals were murdered following orders from Kagame. It’s the denunciation by people who back then voted for you and even now don’t want to see you stoop so low. Don’t yield once again, Mr. President. Not this time, please. It would be far too humiliating. Be wary of those people who, whether outside or even inside your inner circle, lead you to such embarrassing situations. Don’t insult so many of us Spaniards who understand the meaning of what you are about to do. Now you can’t say you weren’t informed. Or is it, rather, that you are paying off some ‘favor’ to those who call the shots in the world?

Mr. Zapatero, don’t be co-chair of the Millenium Goals with Kagame, don’t go down in history as the accomplice of such a fiend and his extremely powerful godfathers in their operations of global pillaging and deceit. They will be brought to light in the short run. Don’t lend them a hand, don’t stain your own hands with innocent blood. This attempt to clean up the image of this thug Kagame and of his criminal pillage of Congo is so blatant and preposterous that it will most certainly backfire.”

Friday, June 25, 2010

Exiled Editor Says Rwandan Security Killed His Successor


Jean Bosco Gasasira says acting editor Rugambage was killed because his paper was investigating the shooting of a Rwandan general

The exiled editor of the Umuvugizi newspaper in Rwanda said his acting editor was shot and killed late Thursday night in the Rwanda capital, Kigali.

Jean Bosco Gasasira said deputy editor Jean Leonard Rugambage was shot outside his home and died later at a hospital.

Gasasira said Rwandan security killed acting editor Rugambage because the paper was investigating the shooting of Rwandan General Kayumba Nyamwasa in South Africa.

“I’m 100 percent sure it was the office of the national security services which shot him dead. This happened after publishing a story on the Umuvugizi website which cited Rwanda’s chief spy of being involved in the shooting of General Kayumba Nyamwasa in South Africa,” he said.

Police spokesman Eric Kayiranga told VOA that police do not know who was behind the attack or what the motive was. He said police were investigating.

Gasasira said the article on the Umuvugizi website quoted information which showed that there was communication between Rwanda’s chief spy and his driver.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame

He said the chief spy ordered the driver to finish up the general (Kayumba Nyamwasa) at the hospital with a promise that Rwandan President Paul Kagame would reward the driver.

“One security operative revealed to my editor that he knows that it is their officers who carried out that suicide mission. But they apparently revealed to my editor thinking that he was a hotel worker,” Gasasira said.

Gasasira said the Rwandan security began watching acting editor Rugambage after they realized he was a journalist and not a hotel worker.

Gasasira said he told acting editor Rugambage to leave Rwanda and cross into Uganda. But he said his offer came too late.

“He called me before using another line, informing me about the constant surveillance. Then I told him if he feels things getting worse, I told him to cross and flee Rwanda into Uganda to see how we can handle the issue. But unfortunately they killed him before,” he said

Rwanda’s Media High Council this year suspended Umuvugizi and Umuseso for six months on the grounds the two weekly newspapers violated Rwanda’s media laws and incited public order.

Gasasira said the killing of acting editor Rugambage fits the pattern of the Rwandan government’s campaign against the independent media.

“We are under tense surveillance. My journalist was also beaten up by the spokesman on Thursday when he was in an office of an opposition leader where he had gone to investigate some story. The same goes to me. Since Sunday, I’m not allowed to get out of my house. Security sources where I am say there are lots of spies they have sent to finish me,” Gasasira said.

Rwanda: two steps forward, three steps back?


Rwanda: two steps forward, three steps back?

By Alec van Gelder & Timothy Cox


We are amongst the first to laud Paul Kagame’s economic reforms that have propelled Rwanda’s Doing Business rankings straight to the top of the “best reformers” list. Slashing the cost of registering new businesses and removing other bureaucratic and administrative barriers to raising capital, making investments and trading domestically and internationally are the reforms other African governments must emulate if they are to escape the poverty and aid trap.

Yet these business-friendly reforms have come at a steep price for political freedom and civil liberties in Rwanda. Kagame looks certain to win yet another seven-year term in August and there is every indication that he is becoming more authoritarian by the day, using state powers to make life a living hell for political opposition and trampling over the freedom of speech that forms the backbone of civil and open society. News of the assassination of Jean Leonard Rugambage, Editor of a Rwandan newspaper that was critical of Kagame before authorities mysteriously forced it to shut its operations, does little to suppress many fears that Rwanda is spiralling towards a political dictatorship.

Another Kagame Opponent Chrged,Who Will Save Rwandans?


Friday, June 25, 2010
Reads: 946 | Comments: 2 | 6811
Another opponent of Rwandan President Paul Kagame has been excluded from running in the upcoming elections.

According to opposition officials, Victoire Ingabire, an ethnic Hutu candidate has been denied the right to appear on the ballot following charges of denying the country's genocide.

In Rwanda this is a punishable offense and Ingabire, who returned to Rwanda in January after 16 years in exile, could face up to two decades in prison.

Kagame, an ethnic Tutsi, submitted his papers Thursday to run in the August election while Ingabire was refused.

Recently there have been allegations that Kagame is linked to the alleged assassination attempt on General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, the former Rwandan army chief turned diplomat. He was shot by a gunman in Johannesburg,South Africa. Nyamwasa is currently in exile after fleeing Rwanda in February after falling foul of Kagame.

According to the BBC Kagame has repeatedly made disparaging remarks concerning Nyamwasa and the former head of external military intelligence, Patrick Karengeya. Both men, former close allies of the president, have repeatedly attacked his integrity claiming that he was using front companies to enrich himself.

This seems to follow a worrying trend in that all political opponents of Kagame appear to meet an unfortunate fate.

In 2000 Kagame took over from deposed President Pasteur Bizimungu. The latter had been “President” from 1994 but it was always suspected that - as Kagame’s deputy in the Rwandan Patriotic Front and a Hutu - he was simply a figurehead to give comfort to the majority of the population. When he began raising concerns over political crackdowns he was tossed aside and later imprisoned.

In 1994 the assassination of Juvénal Habyarimana, - President of the Republic of Rwanda from 1973 to 1994 - whose plane was shot down close to Kigali International Airport was attributed by French judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, to orders given by Kagame. As a result he issued international indictments against nine of President Kagame's senior aides, and accused Kagame of ordering the assassination of the two African presidents but this never resulted in him being prosecuted. That assassination sparked the Rwandan genocide.

It might be coincidence but all those who stand in the way of Kagame achieving or retaining power come to grief.

Either they are charged, imprisoned or shot

Jailed Belgian priest in Rwanda and ex-editor is innoce

Jailed Belgian priest and ex-editor is innocent and must be freed, says Reporters Without Borders
Reporters Without Borders called today for the immediate release of a Belgian Catholic priest and former editor, Father Guy Theunis, from a prison in Rwanda where he is being held for supposed complicity in genocide.

The worldwide press freedom organisation said in a report by a fact-finding mission it sent to Rwanda that Theunis was “innocent” and that the accusations against him had been “trumped up at the last minute” by “a handful of people driven by personal or political motives.”

It said the evidence against Theunis, former editor of the magazine Dialogue who has been in Kigali’s central prison for since 6 September, presented “before, during and since” he appeared before a grassroots gacaca court on 11 September, was “baseless.”

Theunis was victim of a “personal political vendetta by a group of regime figures” who used his brief recent stopover in Rwanda to punish him for his religious stands, his criticism of the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (FPR) for human rights violations or simply to settle personal scores.

A Reporters Without Borders team visited the country from 30 September to 7 October to investigate the case and visited Theunis in prison and met several prosecution witnesses from his gacaca hearing, when he was declared a prime genocide suspect (a planner or inciter).

Theunis, 60, is a member of the White Fathers Missionary Society (also known as the Missionaries of Africa) and lived in Rwanda from 1970 until 1994. His accusers say he incited ethnic hatred and denied the country’s genocide. His defenders say he is really in prison for exposing the RPR’s human rights violations.

Newspaper’s deputy editor gunned down outside home in Kigali



Newspaper’s deputy editor gunned down outside home in Kigali

Published on 25 June 2010
In the same country

11 June 2010 - Persecution of independent newspapers extended to online versions

26 April 2010 - Editor of bi-monthly acquitted on appeal

14 April 2010 - Two leading independent weeklies suspended for six months

Reporters Without Borders is shocked and outraged to learn that Jean-Léonard Rugambage, the deputy editor of the fortnightly Umuvugizi, was gunned down outside his home in Kigali at about 11 p.m. on 24 June. He was the first journalist to be murdered in Rwanda since Emmanuel Munyemanzi in 1998.

“We have for months being condemning the climate of terror in Rwanda, the escalating repression of independent journalists and totalitarian tendencies,” Reporters Without Borders said. “It seems that newspaper closures, trials of journalists and blocking of websites have not been enough to elicit a reaction from the international community. Will this tragic development finally open the eyes of those who support this government?”

The press freedom organisation added: “As the August presidential election approaches, the government is organising a tightly controlled and monolithic electoral campaign in which all sources of criticism are being suppressed. This undertaking seems to have culminated in the ambushing and murder of this renowned journalist.”

In a resumption of diplomatic relations, French President Nicolas Sarkozy visited Kigali in February and his Rwandan counterpart, Paul Kagame, attended the Africa-France summit in Nice on 31 May and 1 June.

Reporters Without Borders believes that dialogue cannot be resumed unless particular attention is paid to press freedom and it therefore calls on the French authorities and the European Union delegation in Kigali to ensure that an independent investigation is carried out into this murder. Monitoring this case should be a priority for France’s ambassador to Kigali, Laurent Contini.

Rugambage was slain by four shots fired at close range by gunmen who have yet to be identified. The police took his body away to carry out an autopsy. Also known as “Sheriff,” he left a wife and two-year-old child. His murder has caused shock and dismay in both Rwanda and abroad.

“Jean-Léonard was without doubt killed as a result of his coverage of last week’s attempted murder of Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa in exile in South Africa,” Reporters Without Borders was told by Jean-Bosco Gasasira, his newspaper’s editor, who is himself in exile.

Rugambage reported that telephone calls were made between Rwandan intelligence chief Emmanuel Ndahiro and the Rwandan citizens who were arrested in South Africa after the shooting attack on Gen. Nyamwasa. In a story about the shooting in Le Monde on 22 June, headlined “Rwandan stray bullets,” French journalist Jean-Philippe Rémy wrote: “It is not easy to say what distinguishes Rwanda from a full-blown dictatorship.”

Rugambage had experienced several run-ins with the authorities. Accused of murder during the genocide and then sentenced to a year in prison for contempt of court, he was detained for 11 months in 2005 and 2006 before finally being acquitted. He edited Umuco for a long time before joining Umuvugizi.

He was also the Rwanda correspondent of the regional press freedom organisation Journalist in Danger (JED). “He told things as he felt them,” said a journalist who participated with him in a workshop in Brazzaville in 2007 for JED’s regional correspondents. “He was a very committed guy who paid with his life for his courage as a reporter. He did not beat about the bush, unlike some of his Rwandan colleagues.”

Rwanda was ranked 157th out of 179 countries in the 2009 Reporters Without Borders press freedom index. This was the fourth lowest ranking in Africa, above only Eritrea, Somali and Equatorial Guinea. President Kagame has for years been on the Reporters Without Borders list of Predators of Press Freedom.

Thursday, June 24, 2010

Rwandan opposition party FDU-Inkingi protests against undemocratic Rwandan elections


Rwandan opposition party FDU-Inkingi protests against undemocratic Rwandan elections.

UDF/FDU-Inkingi
Press Release

In a press conference held in Kigali yesterday by the Foreign Affairs Minister and the General Prosecutor, the public opinion was briefed on the reasons why Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and her political party, FDU INKINGI, were denied their rights to compete the presidential elections.

According to the Rwandan government, the court proceedings will not start before some countries cooperate with the investigations. This is another proof that the false charges, the arrest and intimidation were decided before any proper investigation.

There is no doubt anymore that those are delaying tactics in order to rig the presidential elections and to thwart the opposition.

Those manoeuvres to deprive the Rwandan people of the free and fair election of their President to which they are entitled are unacceptable. It is the reason why we have decided to peacefully demonstrate today in front of the Ministry of Justice for a due, prompt and fair process and for the postponement of the presidential elections. Rwandans will never accept the legitimacy of this kind of elections masquerade.

Done on 24 June 2010

Sylvain Sibomana
FDU-Inkingi
Secretary General

Hotel Rwanda Ruseabagina Foundation Decries Arrests, Oppression and Harassment in Rwanda.

Hotel Rwanda Ruseabagina Foundation Decries Arrests, Oppression and Harassment in Rwanda.

Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation
Press Release
For Immediate Release

Contact: Kitty Kurth
Phone: +1-312-617-7288

The HRRF strongly decrees recent reports of the violent suppression of peaceful dissent in Rwanda. Earlier today (local time in Rwanda), the three primary political parties standing in opposition to President Paul Kagame and his Rwandan Patriotic Front party saw their members and leaders physically harassed, barred from leaving their residences, and in some cases arrested. Reports were of "mobs" of government supporters at each location in which the harassment occurred. This follows an assassination attempt last week in South Africa of exiled Rwandan General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who fled after being accused of opposing the Kagame government. General Nyamwasa is one of over 15 leading military officers and ambasssadors who have been imprisoned or forced into exile in recent months. The recent arrest of American lawyer Peter Erlinder is just another sign of the desperation inherent in Rwanda's government and leaders.

Unfortunately, this behavior is typical for Kagame's government in Rwanda and mirrors similar treatment of dissidents and opposition political parties prior to the 2003 presidential election. At that time, Kagame won 95% of the vote, largely because all opposition had been effectively put down, banned or exiled.

Rwandan society is tumbling toward the brink of an internal crisis, and it is time for the international community to intervene.

L'HISTOIRE DU GENERAL EMMANUEL HABYARIMANA (MUKARU)


L'HISTOIRE DE NOTRE AMI LE GENERAL EMMANUEL HABYARIMANA

Kigali gronde Berne pour des fadaises


Pour le Rwanda, il est inadmissible que la Suisse ait délivré des visas à des officiers «félons».

Emmanuel Habyarimana est aujourd'hui réfugié en Suisse. Il est l'ancien ministre de la Défense de Paul Kagame (à gauche). Ce dernier, président du Rwanda, cherche aujourd'hui à faire passer l'ancien militaire pour un félon aux yeux de Berne.

Les autorités rwandaises sont fâchées contre la Suisse. Elles l'ont fait savoir à la délégation helvétique menée par l'ambassadeur Walter Fust, directeur de l'Aide suisse au développement (DDC), qui a visité ce pays en janvier dernier. Une étrange histoire provoque l'ire de Kigali: il y a deux ans, la Suisse aurait généreusement distribué une vingtaine de visas à des opposants au régime de Paul Kagame, président du Rwanda.


Berne aurait notamment permis la fuite de plusieurs militaires de haut rang, dont le général Emmanuel Habyarimana, ancien ministre de la Défense de Paul Kagame. Ce général de brigade porte le même nom que l'ancien chef d'Etat Juvénal Habyarimana, tué lors du crash de l'avion présidentiel en avril 1994, juste avant le génocide hutu contre les Tutsi. L'ex-ministre est accusé de «divisionnisme», c'est-à-dire d'attiser la haine entre Hutu et Tutsi, les deux ethnies du pays. Selon un rapport du Parlement rwandais, cet «extrémiste hutu» aurait dû rendre des comptes et témoigner de ses actions passées.

Roger de Diesbach

******************************************

Un certain affolement

A la fin mars 2003, toujours selon les autorités de Kigali, le général Habyarimana a pris la fuite pour l'Ouganda avec sa maîtresse et deux officiers, le colonel Ndengeyinka, député à l'Assemblée nationale, et le lieutenant Alphonse Ndayambaje. Alors que Berne passe à Kigali pour avare en matière de visas distribués, les fugitifs ont obtenu rapidement quatre visas pour la Suisse. Plus tard, la représentante de la Suisse au Rwanda a reçu l'ordre de délivrer treize visas à différents membres des familles et autres proches des militaires.


Dernièrement enfin, avec les Etats-Unis et d'autres pays européens, la Suisse a accueilli des militants de la Ligue rwandaise pour la promotion et la défense des droits de l'homme (LIPRODHOR), traqués par le régime de Kigali. Le rôle courageux de Pierre Combernous, ambassadeur de Suisse au Kenya, en charge du Rwanda, aurait permis d'ouvrir la porte de l'asile à ces militants en fuite. C'est pour cette raison, murmure-t-on, que l'ambassadeur Combernous aurait été prié de ne pas accompagner Walter Fust lors de son périple rwandais, ce qui est peu usuel. A écouter les silences gênés de Berne, on se demande si le conflit du Rwanda ne déchire pas aussi le Département fédéral des affaires étrangères.

Les autorités rwandaises, de leur côté, ont fait savoir à la délégation suisse qu'elles jugeaient inadmissible que Berne ait donné aussi rapidement des visas aux officiers félons. Elles ont ajouté qu'Habyarimana en aurait profité pour rejoindre au Congo l'armée des ennemis du pays. Un certain affolement a soufflé sur la délégation suisse qui a promis de se renseigner, ce qui fut fait sans tarder. Elle s'est dit que l'ordre de distribuer ces visas ne pouvait venir que de très haut, et de lorgner vers les services de renseignements helvétiques...


Autre son de cloche

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Enquête faite, la réalité est toute différente et c'est l'ancien Office fédéral des réfugiés qui a décidé de délivrer ces visas. Avec raison. Si le président Paul Kagame voulait «écarter» son ministre de la Défense, ce n'est pas parce que ce dernier était rattrapé par son passé «monstrueux». Au contraire, le général devenait de plus en plus populaire dans l'armée et l'opinion publique en majorité hutu. C'est donc bien le rival, et non pas le félon, qu'il fallait écarter avant les élections rwandaises d'août 2003.


Selon la journaliste belge Colette Braeckman, l'une des meilleures observatrices de la scène rwandaise, «le général Habyarimana fut longtemps considéré comme un exemple au Rwanda, tout comme le colonel Ndengeyinka, député à l'Assemblée nationale. Ces deux officiers supérieurs hutu, anciens membres des Forces armées rwandaises (FAR) du régime Habyarimana, étaient parfaitement réintégrés dans la nouvelle armée nationale de Kigali».


la vengeance du régime

Les deux hommes ont tout quitté en quelques heures, craignant d'être arrêtés ou liquidés. Ils ont raconté le 13 juin 2003 leur désappointement au journal «Le Soir». Après s'être engagés dans la réconciliation nationale, ils disent avoir ouvert les yeux face aux coups portés contre de nombreux Hutu modérés qui avaient opté pour le nouveau régime de Paul Kagame. Le premier ministre Twagiramungu a été écarté. Puis il y a eu l'assassinat à Nairobi de Seth Sendashonga, un Hutu également, l'un des fondateurs du FPR (l'organisation militaire de Kagame).


Depuis, le général Habyarimana est réfugié en Suisse (lire ci-dessous) et, au Rwanda, la vengeance du régime est retombée sur ses proches. Le 1er avril 2003, un de ses amis, le général Augustin Ngirabatware, avait été arrêté et mis au secret. Damien Musayidizi, son secrétaire lorsqu'il était ministre de la Défense, a «disparu» le 3 avril. Augustin Cyiza, conseiller d'Habyarimana lorsqu'il était ministre de la Défense, militant des droits de l'homme reconnu au niveau international et vice-président de la Cour suprême, a été enlevé à Kigali le 23 avril 2003 et vraisemblablement assassiné. RdD

RdD/DR

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«Kagame doit répondre de ses crimes»


Le général Emmanuel Habyarimana ne se bat pas contre les troupes de son propre pays au Congo. Il est réfugié avec sa famille en Valais, à Sion, et prend des cours à l'Institut européen de l'Université de Genève.

«La Liberté»: Selon le gouvernement Kagame, vous seriez un extrémiste hutu, dangereux pour l'unité nationale?

Emmanuel Habyarimana:


- Lorsque j'étais réfugié à Kampala, ils m'ont même traité de génocidaire. Durant l'ancien régime du président Juvénal Habyarimana, avec lequel je n'ai aucun lien de parenté, j'ai été jeté en prison, le 27 octobre 1990. J'y suis resté une année pour intelligence avec l'ennemi, c'est-à-dire avec le FPR de Paul Kagame, actuel président du Rwanda, avant de passer devant un conseil de guerre qui m'a blanchi. Bien que je sois diplômé de l'Ecole royale militaire de Belgique, ils n'ont pas voulu me réintégrer dans l'armée. De fin 1991 à 1994, j'ai été directeur des sports.

Et pendant le génocide?

- Quand la guerre génocidaire a éclaté en 94, j'étais au nord-est du Rwanda, à Nyagatare, où plus de 20 000 fugitifs tutsi étaient regroupés. J'ai été réintégré dans l'armée alors même que Kigali envoyait des autobus de militants chargés de massacrer ces Tutsi. J'ai refoulé les tueurs et sauvé ces réfugiés, leur permettant de s'enfuir vers l'Ouganda voisin. Après diverses mésaventures, je me suis retrouvé à Kigeme où les massacres avaient déjà commencé. On a arrêté les tueries et protégé les fugitifs. Avec d'autres officiers, nous avons publié la Déclaration de Kigeme contre le génocide, mais aussi contre les massacres du FPR qui tuait depuis 1990 chaque fois qu'il passait quelque part. En juillet 94, le gouvernement hutu a levé contre nous une expédition punitive. Nous avons été attaqués par la garde présidentielle et sauvés de justesse par les Français de l'opération «Turquoise».

Vous auriez pu demander l'asile en Europe?

- Oui. Mais je suis rentré à Kigali le 29 juillet 94. Après trois mois de camp de réadaptation, j'ai été réintégré dans les rangs de l'Armée patriotique rwandaise, la branche armée du FPR. J'ai représenté l'armée à l'Assemblée nationale et réorganisé la justice et l'administration militaire. J'ai travaillé directement avec Kagame. Il m'exploitait mais je n'en souffrais pas car j'avais l'impression de participer à la stabilisation du pays. Secrétaire général, puis secrétaire d'Etat, je suis devenu ministre de la Défense lorsque Kagame a quitté ce poste pour devenir président.

Et les problèmes ont commencé?

- J'ai réorganisé le statut des militaires et me suis opposé à l'avancement que Kagame voulait donner à des Tutsi ougandais, des officiers de sa famille ou des proches qui avaient du sang sur les mains, comme Fred Fbingira nommé général de la Division Kiga-Kitarama alors qu'il a été condamné pour les massacres de Kibeho. C'est aujourd'hui le bras droit du président. Je me suis aussi opposé à la poursuite des tueries au Congo et me suis battu pour le respect des droits de l'homme, de l'Etat de droit et de la justice. Une loi qui introduisait le Forum des partis stipulait qu'un parti politique ne pouvait se réunir que sous les auspices du FPR. J'ai dit ouvertement que c'était le début du totalitarisme. Je me suis aussi opposé à la privatisation et à la vente à des proches de Kagame de plantations de thé. Créées il y a trente ans, elles appartenaient à la population.

Vous deveniez pour Kagame un rival dangereux?

- Kagame a eu peur que je pose ma candidature aux élections d'août 2003, alors qu'il savait que je n'étais d'aucun parti politique. Soldat d'abord, je n'avais d'ailleurs pas le droit d'adhérer à un parti. Au Rwanda, les Hutu sont bien plus nombreux que les Tutsi. Ma candidature et ma respectabilité pouvaient donc représenter un risque pour le président tutsi. Ils m'ont accusé de «divisionnisme», moi qui lutte depuis toujours pour la réconciliation. Sous Habyarimana, j'ai obtenu que des Tutsi soient réintégrés dans l'armée. J'ai fait de même pour des militaires hutu sous Kagame.


Propos recueillis par RdD

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«La Suisse doit s'investir pour la paix»

Dans la nuit du 1er avril 2003, averti de sa proche arrestation par une dame tutsi, Emmanuel Habyarimana prend la fuite à pied pour l'Ouganda avec deux officiers. La dame a fait de même deux semaines après, déguisée en bonne soeur. «Mais à Kampala, on a refusé de nous garder en Ouganda», explique-t-il. «Nous avons demandé des visas à plusieurs pays. Comme la Suisse a réagi la première, nous avons pris l'avion pour Genève d'où l'on nous a conduits au Centre de Vallorbe, puis en Valais. Nous avons depuis lors reçu l'asile politique et obtenu 13 visas au nom du regroupement familial.» Aujourd'hui, l'ex-ministre se dit heureux de l'accueil que la Suisse lui a réservé. «Mais je pense que votre pays devrait s'investir pour le rétablissement de la paix dans la région des Grands Lacs.»


Amer, découragé, il ne l'est pas. «Je suis convaincu que la justice finira par triompher. Paul Kagame est un criminel qui devra répondre un jour de ses crimes, tout comme les génocidaires. Il ne pourra pas y avoir de réconciliation au Rwanda tant que l'impunité régnera.» RdD
Document source:
laliberte.ch Author:la liberte.ch
Our URL:http://www.barundi.org

L’opposition manifeste à Kigali, répression de la police Rwandaise.

L’opposition manifeste à Kigali, répression de la police Rwandaise.

Les Rwandais n'ont plus peur, ils ont bravé ce matin la dictature de Kigali et sont allés manifester en masse pour réclamer la vraie démocratie et la liberté pour les leaders de l'opposition.

Bilan provisoire:

1. Mme Victoire Ingabire est encerclée par la police qui l'empêche de sortir de chez elle


2. Le SG du Comité Provisoire des FDU-Inkingi ainsi que l'avocat des FDU-Inkingi qui se trouvaient devant le Minijust ont été arrêtés.


3. Le représentant des FDU-Inkingi dans la ville de Kigali a été arrêté


4. Près de 200 personnes qui se trouvaient entre le CND et le Minijust ont été arrêtées.


5. Plus de trois cents personnes ont été arrêtées à Gishushu, Kimihurura et sur d'autres chemins menant au Minijust


6. Me Bernard Ntaganda a été arrêté par la police qui a forcé les portes de sa maison et a emporté tous les objets de valeur


7. Mr Frank Habineza et le VP de son parti ont été conduits au CID où ils ont subi des interrogatoires avant d'être relâchés.


8. Un journaliste de Reuters qui couvrait la manifestation a été arrêté et son caméscope a été saisi par la police


9. Nous ignorons pour l'instant le sort réservé à toutes les personnes arrêtées. D'autres informations sur le bilan de cette première manifestation anti-gouvernemental e de ces 16 dernières années vous parviendront ultérieurement.

La démocratie est en marche.

L’opposition manifeste à Kigali, répression de la police Rwandaise.

L’opposition manifeste à Kigali, répression de la police Rwandaise.

Les Rwandais n'ont plus peur, ils ont bravé ce matin la dictature de Kigali et sont allés manifester en masse pour réclamer la vraie démocratie et la liberté pour les leaders de l'opposition.

Bilan provisoire:

1. Mme Victoire Ingabire est encerclée par la police qui l'empêche de sortir de chez elle


2. Le SG du Comité Provisoire des FDU-Inkingi ainsi que l'avocat des FDU-Inkingi qui se trouvaient devant le Minijust ont été arrêtés.


3. Le représentant des FDU-Inkingi dans la ville de Kigali a été arrêté


4. Près de 200 personnes qui se trouvaient entre le CND et le Minijust ont été arrêtées.


5. Plus de trois cents personnes ont été arrêtées à Gishushu, Kimihurura et sur d'autres chemins menant au Minijust


6. Me Bernard Ntaganda a été arrêté par la police qui a forcé les portes de sa maison et a emporté tous les objets de valeur


7. Mr Frank Habineza et le VP de son parti ont été conduits au CID où ils ont subi des interrogatoires avant d'être relâchés.


8. Un journaliste de Reuters qui couvrait la manifestation a été arrêté et son caméscope a été saisi par la police


9. Nous ignorons pour l'instant le sort réservé à toutes les personnes arrêtées. D'autres informations sur le bilan de cette première manifestation anti-gouvernemental e de ces 16 dernières années vous parviendront ultérieurement.

La démocratie est en marche.

Rwandan Regime Violently Attacks and Detains Opposition Party Members.


Rwandan Regime Violently Attacks and Detains Opposition Party Members.
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World News Journal
23 June 2010

Rwandan sources are reporting that the leader of the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda, Mr. Frank Habineza, was detained and questioned for an hour at police headquarters. There are reports of the round-up and illegal detention of dozens of members of Mrs. Victoire Ingabire's FDU/UDF-Inkingi party and members of the PS-Imberakuri loyal to Mr. Bernard Ntaganda. Rwandan police blocked off the 2 roads leading to Mrs. Ingabire's residence and are preventing all traffic from entering and leaving. There are also reports that a small peaceful protest broke out in front of the Ministry of Justice following these actions and the police came and detained some of the protesters. More to follow.

Rwandan opposition party leaders and members have been violently assaulted and arrested, hundreds still missing.

Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties in Rwanda (PCC)
C/O. B.P. 6334
Kigali, Rwanda
Tel: +250 788563039, +250 728636000, +250 788307145

A planned peaceful demonstration for today against the National Electoral Commission (NEC) while they were receiving nominations for the August presidential elections was blocked. The purpose was to protest the fact that the genuine opposition parties have been denied a chance to participate in the presidential elections. The planned peaceful demonstration was prevented this morning when Maitre NTAGANDA Bernard, the founding president of the PS-Imberakuri party, was violently assaulted and taken from his home by unidentified armed plain-clothed officials. Sources claim that he is currently being held incommunicado in a police cell.

At the same time, Ms. Victoire Ingabire, chairperson of the FDU-Inkingi party, woke up to find that her house had been completely surrounded and blocked off by armed policemen. She was prevented from leaving her residence. The Democratic Green Party President, Mr. Frank Habineza, and his Vice President, Andre Kagwa Rwisereka, were detained by the police. Their National Identity cards and phones were taken from them for almost one hour at US Embassy in Kigali. Two Executive Members of the FDU- Inkingi, Secretary General Sylvain Sibomana and Treasurer Alice Muhirwa, are missing as of this writing. The Secretary General of the PS-Imberakuri, Theobald Mutarambirwa, is also believed to be in police custody but is missing.

The ‘Parti Social Imberakuri'-PS-Imberakuri, wrote to the Mayor of the Gasabo district on 17th June 2010, requesting for permission to demonstrate peacefully on 24th June 2010. The letter clearly stated that the demonstrations were to start at the Prime Minister’s Office in Kimiruhura, continue to the Parliament and end at the Ministry of Local Government in the Kacyiru District, where a public message was to be made.

The District failed to respond by Wednesday, 23rd June, and Maitre Ntaganda, a senior lawyer and activist, confirmed to other opposition leaders that, in this case, silence doen not legally mean "no", and the program should remain as planned.

To our surprise early this morning, Frank Habineza received a phone call from the PS Imbearakuri Secretary General informing him Ntaganda had gone missing and they have changed plans. Instead of the planned demonstration, they decided to go to the American Embassy in the Kacyiru District and ask US Embassy officials to help intervene in this serious situation. They also asked Frank Habineza to help them so Maitre Ntaganda could be located and released from custody.

We arrived at the US Embassy visitors parking at around 09:00 local time. To our surprise, when we called the PS-Imberakuri Secretary General, instead of getting his response we heard a lot of commotion over his phone and by the time we reached the outside of the US Embassy complex we saw police chasing PS-Imberakuri members and we also saw others being arrested and being violently forced into police vans. The Secretary General is believed to be in police custody with hundreds of other PS-Imberakuri members.

We proceeded on and talked to US Embassy officials. After a while as we were leaving the US Embassy grounds, Rwandan police stopped us and took away our National Identity Cards and phones for about an hour. Both the President and Vice President of the Green Party were eventually released without harm.

Meanwhile, hundreds of members of the FDU-Inkingi were brutally attacked and beaten by policemen at Gishushu (Remera) and in front of the Ministry of Justice in the Kimihurura District. They were heading to a peaceful demonstration in front of the Ministry of Justice to request the government to lift restrictive measures and drop the false charges against their Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, who remains under house arrest on bail since April 22nd 2010, and has been deprived of her political rights. The demonstrators were reacting to a statement by General Prosecutor Ngoga yesterday that the government does not have enough evidence to prosecute and challenge the case in a court of law yet.

The Permanent Consultative Council of Opposition Parties in Rwanda is deeply concerned with the continuous unwarranted political harassment and denial of political space in Rwanda ahead of the August 9th Presidential election.

The Government of Rwanda has continuously done all it can to deny the genuine political opposition a chance to legally exist and be able to democratically participate in the upcoming Presidential elections.

The ruling RPF party has plainly shown to the Rwandan people and the International Community that scared to compete with real opposition and has resorted to approving stooge candidates to give the illusion of political opposition.

This is the real picture of Rwanda's political space: President Kagame’s RPF party competing against stooge candidates of the PSD, PL and other satellite partner parties who have been comfortably enjoying ministerial and parliamentary positions for the last 16 years while supporting RPF policies and legislation.

The real opposition in Rwanda has been subjected to verbal and physical intimidation along with legal and political abuse. Legal framework has been manipulated to prevent the Democratic Green Party of Rwanda and United Democratic Forces (FDU–Inkingi) from registering their political parties and exercising their political rights. The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda’s founding convention on 30th October 2009, was violently sabotaged by people connected to state security organs and others to be working for the Government. The Green Party's leader, Frank Habineza has received several death threats, the latest one indicating that he is supposed to be killed before the August 2010 presidential election. Despite the fact that he reported this matter to the police and also wrote directly to the Minister of Internal Security, he never received any response and he is in imminent danger.

The FDU-Inkingi's Leader, Mrs. Victoire Ingabire was physically assaulted earlier this year at a government office at Kinyinya-Kigali. She has also faced serious allegations and has been charged for working with a terrorist organisation as well as allegedly harboring a genocide ideology. Her party has been refused chance to register on the pretext that its leader has criminal charges which must be cleared first. The problem though is that even though she was charged in court, she has never been given chance to defend herself. Instead her lawyer, Peter Erlinder, was arrested as well.

All these actions are done by the Government to demonize these politicians and make them hated by the population.

The PS-Imberakuri is the only opposition party that managed to get registered last year, but its leader Maitre Bernard Ntaganda, has faced many challenges and was summoned by the Rwandan Senate on charges of allegedly having a genocide ideology. The party has now been divided into several factions, one illegal faction was recently recognised by the Government after its head was appointed Vice President of the pro-RPF Political Parties Forum. They know very well that this lady has never been approved by the cabinet according to Rwandan law.

The legally recognised Leader, Maitre Ntaganda is now unable to present his credentials for official nomination as a presidential candidate by the Electoral Commission. This division is believed was orchestrated by the RPF in order to weaken a real opposition party and deny it a chance to participate in the upcoming August 2010 presidential elections.

Neither Mrs. Victoire Ingabire, nor Mr. Frank Habineza, will be able to present their credentials for approval by the Electoral Commission since both of their parties have been denied a chance to register in time even though they are not criminals and want to represent peaceful and democratic opposition to the RPF party.

Therefore, we call upon the Rwandan Government to postpone the presidential election until the political field is free, fair, and democratic to allow peaceful competition for political power in Rwanda.

We request the President of Rwanda to use the powers vested to him by the Constitution to impress upon the Rwandan Government officials to allow political parties that are critical of the RPF to be legally registered immediately and be allowed to freely exercise their full political rights and let the legally recognised leader of PS-Imberakuri, Maitre Bernard Ntaganda, manage his party without any outside interference.

We would like to remind H.E. President Paul Kagame that he took an oath seven years ago to protect and obey the Rwandan Constitution. He is the custodian of the law. The Constitution guarantees multi-party politics and democracy in Rwanda. We call upon His Excellency, the President of the Republic, to respect his pledge made under oath.

Done in Kigali,
24th June 2010

Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Chairperson, United Democratic Forces

Mr. Frank Habineza
Chairman, Democratic Green Party of Rwanda
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