In Rwanda: What to expect from the divided RPF “family”.

From RWANDANEWS

Tutsi Soldiers mutilating a Hutu young lady in DRC 1997

As the saying goes, when two elephants fight it is the grass that suffers. The feud between Kayumba Nyamwasa et al. and Paul Kagame is likely to have a far from pleasant end. The peasants might once again be entangled into a conflict they little understand and as a result, forced to pay a heavy price.

The wrangle between the two heavyweights seems to have reached a point of no return. What is now left is a dog-eats-dog strategy, or an equivalent of the Darwinian survival for the fittest. This was the message directly implied when Kayumba was shot last year in the streets of Johannesburg. Kayumba and his family believe that the government is still trying to kill them. For Mr. Kagame, actions speak louder than words!

But is Kayumba hitting back as well? This is hard to tell. At the moment, there is no clear evidence that this might be the case, although the Rwandan government has accused him of forming terror zones within the country. Knowing that Kayumba was the chief of the Rwandan army for many years, and is still said to be very popular among the ranks of the military, everything is possible. Moreover, some claim that he enjoys very strong ties with the Ugandan government. The thought of him mobilizing a fighting force, no doubt exaggerated at the moment, is not a complete impossibility.

As of yesterday, the government of Rwanda claims to have arrested five dissidents, including a colonel in the Rwandan army. They are accused of planning sabotage attacks against Rwanda under Kayumba’s authority. Of course, such accusations need to be taken with a pinch of salt. After all, these are the exact same charges that are always leveled on political dissidents in Rwanda. If so, it might be the case of a boy crying wolf.

As expected, Kayumba’s vehemently denied any links to the arrested individuals. Because this is the first time that an insider of the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) is wrestling with the regime, it might be hard to tell where the truth lies.

We know that an investigative report released by the United Nations earlier this month refuted any links between Kayumba et al and other fighting groups based in the DRC such as FDLR and RUD Urunana. We also know that it is in Kagame’s best interest to portray Kayumba as a military trouble maker who is threatening Tutsi hegemony by collaborating with Hutu extremists. In Kagame’s threatening words, he is “excrement” that must be eliminated from the body.

As I said in my post earlier, these are troubling times in Rwanda. The “warrior refugees” that once won the praise of Philip Gourevtitch now have guns pointed at each other. They threaten the stability of a country they fought for and some of them have already been exiled again. It is not a pretty sight.

To be honest, Kayumba’s opposition to Kagame bears more hope for democracy than an event in Rwanda’s recent history. Kayumba has challenged Kagame’s totalitarian control in a way that leaves the man humbled. He often likes to say that, “absolute power corrupts absolutely”. By extension, Kayumba, at least in rhetoric, wants the RPF to undergo a process of reformation; which will allow for competitive politics.

Part of Kayumba’s problem with the RPF party is that Kagame has personalized it. He has built a personality cult akin to that of the late Juvenal Habyarimana. As such, Kayumba and other RPF compatriots feel their vision betrayed. They are longing for change.

It needs to be emphasized that the RPF, under Paul Kagame, has been a major stumbling block to democratic reform. They have established complete control over the military, the church and the civil society. They are like the despot king who must die in order for democracy to arise. We also need to be aware that Kayumba et al. were the yesterday’s champions of this corrupted system. But human being can learn from their mistakes. And there are few untainted hands in Rwanda.

I may not be a fan of Kayumba et al., but I think they deserve a chance. After all, they are Rwandans as well and their love for the country is evident. So far, they have been busy trying to spearhead for reconciliation among the Diaspora of Hutus and Tutsis. They efforts seem to be wielding success. In particular, Theogene Rudasingwa, the group’s most vocal member, has shown the willingness to acknowledge the crimes committed by the RPF against Hutu civilians. This is a BIG and unprecedented step—one that needs to be celebrated. By any indications, Rudasingwa looks like a reformed man who is hungry for peace and reconciliation. Rwanda desperately needs more of his kind.

I view the confrontations as a necessary step for Rwanda’s rebirth. It is completely disheartening to think that the peasants will once again bear the brunt. However, can there be gain without pain? Are the peasants better off under a cruel dictatorship? I welcome comments from my readers

Rwanda: Police manhunt for an opposition member in Gisagara District, Southern Province

by Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza for President

 On 6th June 2011, FDU-Inkingi informed the public about a spree of night gun murders in parts of Rwanda and particularly in Gisagara District (Southern Province). The police accused the opposition party of trying to rush to the media before reporting the incidents.
 Since then, a police manhunt for an FDU-Inkingi opposition member, Mr. Jean Bosco Hanganimana, resident of Gisagara District started.  From the 25th June, deployments of mobile police and night army patrols sent residents of Higiro location (Sector Nyanza, Gisagara District) in panic.
 That same day, the Executive of Higiro location, Madame Niwebasa Assumpta, expelled Mr. Jean Bosco Hanganimana, FDU-Inkingi member, from the Umuganda community work in Nyanza sector and stated that “nobody should worry about what will happen to that FDLR supporter and to those opposed to the ruling RPF”. At 16:00, the police searched his house and failed to arrest him. At 20:00, with nosearch warrant, 6 army men , a local defence staff and a civilian night patrol stormed his house, searched and arrested his wife who was later released.
 Many months before on 12th November 2010, the police abducted Mr. Jean Bosco Hanganimana from the hospital and detained him for 19 days for unknown charges. There were allegations of abuse and torture. He was reportedly attacked because he belongs to the opposition party FDU-Inkingi.
 The party FDU-Inkingi is calling upon the Government to investigate and to ensure that the local autorities and security services respect the basic rights of citizens.

FDU-Inkingi
Twagirimana Boniface
Interim Vice President

Three Rwandan complaints against a planned documentary on France 2

Three Rwandan complaints against a planned documentary on France 2 click here for original article in French
Paris, June 18, 2011 (FH) - Three Rwandans have filed a complaint referred to the Court of Paris against the documentary "Genocide in Rwanda: the killers among us," whose distribution is scheduled for Tuesday, June 28 by the public television France 2.
The widow of President Habyarimana, Agathe Kanziga, filed the first complaint against the company France Televisions and the production company Tony Committee. She was joined by two other Rwandans interviewed by the director of Manolo Arthuis, as part of a television documentary produced for the show The Great Hunt.
"Our goal is not to condemn or to prevent the spread of this documentary, provides counsel for Agathe Habyarimana, Philippe Meilhac. All that we ask today is to watch it, in order to see whether or not a violation of the presumption of innocence. Despite several requests, we refused it. "
"It took us six months of investigation to make this documentary and film, of course with their consent, three genocide suspects living on French soil," said Manolo for Arthuys.
Agathe Habyarimana was shot "in the presence of his lawyer and two members of his family," while the doctor was Twagira Charles' home and without a lawyer, "and the former Rwandan army officer Marcel Bivugabagabo" in a rectory and without a lawyer, "says the director.
"I received from Mr. Arthuys almost a year ago, I allowed him to see my client continues Me Meilhac. What worries me deeply is that we are on a serious subject, that in terms of process it is at the very beginning, and I am a little surprised at how they present the show. It seems that it is totally dependent. "
A press of France Televisions, cited by the plaintiffs, announced in effect: "Sixteen years after the fact, the Rwandan justice and international justice are tried and sentenced many officials. But how many are still at large? While some are hiding in Africa, others live with impunity in Europe, particularly in France where Manolo for Arthuys found them. "
Another release presents the show The Great Hunt, made a documentary and a discussion moderated by journalist Nicolas Poincaré, as "a collection of five investigative documentaries devoted to men who are or have been, the most sought after in the world. "
On the set of the show's June 28, four guests are scheduled to date for the debate: James Kabale, Ambassador of Rwanda, Alain Gauthier, president of the Collective of plaintiffs for Rwanda (CPCR), Filip Reyntjens, Professor of Law at the University of Antwerp and a journalist, Maria Malagardis.
In their chambers, each of the three complainants argue that none of them is under an indictment before the French courts or prosecution before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Only preliminary proceedings are initiated.
The most famous of them, Agathe Habyarimana, is within the scope of an extradition request issued by Rwanda, which will be heard June 29 in Paris. It is also the subject of a judicial investigation opened in March 2008, following a complaint of the SCRC, in which it is heard as a witness simple.
The former Lieutenant-Colonel Marcel Bivugabagabo has also been a Rwandan extradition request rejected by the court of Toulouse in 2008. The same year, the SCRC has filed a complaint against the former officer. This indicates, in its application for interim relief, since he had "never been heard by an investigator."
The Hirondelle News Agency has learned, however, in January 2010 that Marcel Bivugabagabo was the subject of a "preliminary investigation" during a visit to Rwanda two French investigating judges, and Brigitte Jolivet Nicolas Aubertin.
Charles Twagira for his part in 2007 obtained the status of political refugee in France. He is also the subject of a complaint of the SCRC, filed in the court of Rouen in early 2010 and sent to the court to Paris, where a judicial inquiry was opened. He works as a doctor.
Initially scheduled May 31, the distribution of this document has been extended to June 28, May 26 arrest of former military leader of Bosnian Serbs, Ratko Mladic, then having been a special issue of The Great Hunt.
The three complaints filed with the interim High Court of Paris will be heard as a group, Monday, June 20
Eighteen court records concerning the Rwandan genocide suspects residing on French soil are being educated to the high court of Paris.
PF / GF

Rwanda butcher Kagame invades France

From the AFRICA DICTATOR by Herman
A Kagame killing cell has been discovered in France. French security officials say that two former RPA soldiers, former Sgt. Jean Bosco Sasita and Second Lt. John Bosco Murenzi have been hunting opponents to tyrant Kagame.
Four major French towns –  Orleans, Lille, Rouen and Toulouse, are a target and Rwandan  living there have been warned.
Sgt Jean Bosco Sasita was an RPA, soldier and eventually worked as an accountant for the G3 department.
He arrives in France in 2006, as a refugee of convenience, with the support of the Kagame intelligence which was using hm to spy on the RPF dissidents based in Uganda and mostly members of the RPR -Inkeragutabara opposition party.
Second Lt John Bosco Murenzi, is a former bodyguard seconded to president Pasteur Bizimungu. He worked for Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) services, under the authority of General Jack Nziza,the butcher of Kabgayi, who was personally involved in the killing of at least 3 bishops of the Rwandan catholic church during the 1994 genocide.
While working as a military intelligence operative, Lt Jan Bosco Murenzi also  attended Kigali Institute of Science and Technology (KIST). He is now on an impossible mission in France to assassinate, terrorise, or poison Kagame’s opponents.
Observers say that Paris would retaliate to any attack from the “evil of the Great Lakes.” All Eu security services are on a maximum alert, to thwart Kagame’s plans.
Rwandans stand up! Stop this evil of the Great Lakes before he destroys our beloved mother land

Statement by Rwandan Presidential Aspirant Madame Victoire Ingabire

Rwanda: The bell tolls for change

Kigali, July 20th 2010.

Fellow countrymen,

Friends of Rwanda and of Rwandans,

After 16years in exile, I came back peacefully to my motherland. Peace will be my guiding light in my political activities and the activities of my political organisation, FDU INKINGI in our endeavour to end injustice and remove all barriers to the people’s full enjoyment of their inalienable political and civil rights.

The Rwandan people are now living in anxiety and fear and are longing and yearning for a genuine policy of national unity and reconciliation.

My party and I are engaged in a political struggle which will lead us to victory against all forms of injustice and genuine democracy based on the freedom of each and everyone. We will soon witness sham elections in which election results are already established to hoodwink the world that the people have been given a choice. The main preoccupation is to cling to power that has been seized through the force of arms.

Dear fellow countrymen,

The bell tolls for the chains of the dictatorship. It is time to claim your inalienable rights, to refuse the abject feeling of being despised. Our response to sham elections is a non violent resistance to challenge the legitimacy of the looming masquerade and its subsequent results.

1. Our political struggle.

Objective:

Our core objective is to put a permanent end to dictatorship and put in place a political system that respects and protects all the components of the Rwandan society to make sure that nobody loses life because of one’s ethnic or regional affiliation or because of one’s political opinion.
This has been our political objective since the creation of our party FDU INKINGI. This has been the guiding principle of my political engagement since I arrived until now. We must tame fear in order to liberate ourselves. We want to eradicate poverty, hunger, nepotism, corruption and clientelism which have become the hallmark of the regime. We want to put an end to social inequalities, to discrimination as well as to confiscation of other people’s property and land.

We are fighting against dictatorship, generalised injustices, the iniquitous Gacaca courts, community work punishments imposed without due process of the law.

We want that each Rwandan walks with his head high, with dignity; we want to break all the barriers that prevent us from feeling full citizens of our country.

With regard to education, we want to improve the quality, to match the curriculum of education to the real needs of the country and our region, and that enhances the competitiveness of the country vis-à-vis other countries, the respect of the teacher, availability of school material and equal access to education irrespective of social class, ethnicity or region.

In the field of Health, our motto will be « health for all »by improving the healthcare infrastructure, access to medical care, the availability and quality of health personnel, equipment and medicine.

The welfare of the population will be our priority in our programme. Every job must regain its value and provide a decent salary. In the rural areas, people must get decent shelter and safe drinking water.

The agricultural policy must ensure that people get enough food security and give more value and dignity to farmers.

Our political programme has a national reach.

Our political programme is a matter of every Rwandan, irrespective of his ethnic origin, regional, gender, religion, profession or social class. Our vision of a reconciled people involves the necessity to remember our loved ones, mutual respect, national dialogue, the protection of minorities and equal opportunity. We call on each one of us to empathise with victims of genocide and crimes against humanity.

We encourage the members of the Rwandan Defence Forces, Police and security forces to remain professional in their work and to desist from getting involved in partisan politics. Our call goes also to the public media, to the public service, to local administration and to members of the judiciary.

2. Captivity and persecution.

Even in my captivity, six months after my arrival in the country, my experience on the ground has given more meaning to my political conviction and commitment for fundamental political change. I am convinced more than ever before that Rwanda needs a different kind of leadership and political direction for the best interest and welfare of all Rwandan citizens.

I witnessed with my own eyes, humiliation, injustices, iniquity, dictatorship and the arrogance of the party in power that its zealots and allies impose on the citizens. My comrades in the struggle and myself have endured and still endure both moral and physical abuses from the regime of Kagame. Our rights and rights of many others have been violated.

Despite the climate of political assassinations, sufferings, humiliations, lack of respect for fundamental human rights, muzzling the opposition and the media, intimidations, arbitrary arrests and torture, our determination is still intact.

2.1. Opposition muzzled

The 3 political parties, members of the Permanent Consultative Council of the Opposition have been subjected to an increasing persecution.

The Democratic Green Party of Rwanda is still mourning the assassination of its Vice President M. André KAGWA RWISEREKA that took place on the 13th of July 2010 and his beheaded body found on the 14th July 2010. The party has been thwarted in its attempts to register and its leadership has been receiving death threats.

The Parti Social IMBERAKURI, although it has been registered, has been split into two wings, with one splinter group allied to the regime in power. The founder President Bernard NTAGANDA is in detention since the 24th June 2010, charged with negation of genocide, divisionism and formation of a terrorist group. His private secretary, M. Aimable SIBOMANA RUSANGWA has disappeared since the 13th of June 2010.

The party FDU INKINGI, not yet registered, is also facing the fury of the dictatorship and three members of its executive committee are either under house arrest or out on bail.

2.2. An all out war against FDU INKINGI.

Our efforts to legally register the party have been crushed. The regime erected administrative and legal barriers in order to ensure that genuine opposition is left in the cold. FDU INKINGI is too big to go through the net set by the regime in power. The fear of a serious competition for power has led the regime to reinforce its dictatorial machinery. An arsenal of anti democratic laws has been put in place to seal off the political space.

Since January 2010, FDU INKINGI has submitted unsuccessfully 6 requests to organise its constituent assembly. The government refused. The official reason has always been based on the politically motivated criminal charges concocted against its Chair and presidential candidate.

2.3. House arrest

During the last five months, the regime has not been able to bring to court the full details of the charges brought against Ms. Victoire INGABIRE UMUHOZA, Chair of FDU INKINGI. The allegations of denial of genocide, divisionism and collaboration with a terrorist organisation are nothing more than a pretext to block all political activities. This is why I was arrested on the 21st of April 2010 and kept under house arrest since the following day. The zealots of the regime and the government press or partisan media have been feeding a lynching campaign.

My lawyers were put in detention. This was the case with Prof. Peter Erlinder, defence lawyer at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda who spent 3 weeks in prison and Mr. Theogene Muhayeyezu who spent two weeks in prison.

2.4. Arrests, torture and death threats.

On the 24th of June 2010, a police swoop was carried out against members of the opposition who wanted to demonstrate peacefully. Many members of the FDU INKINGI were arrested. M. Sylvain SIBOMANA, provisional secretary general of the party; Ms. Alice MUHIRWA, Treasurer, M. Théoneste SIBOMANA, responsible for the Party in Kigali and M. Martin NTAVUKA, FDU Nyarugenge. All of them were tortured.

Ms. Alice Muhirwa endured internal bleeding following hits with boots on her stomach. She was denied medical attention until she fainted in court. During torture sessions, she was subjected to a tirade of verbal abuses relating to ethnic hatred. In the same way, the torturers blackmailed in exchange for signing false pre-established accusations against Ms. Victoire INGABIRE UMUHOZA and M. Bernard NTAGANDA for collaboration with rebels of FDLR and for having received funding via accomplices network operating in Kigali capital city. In his testimony in court, the Permanent Secretary of PS IMBERAKURI confirmed that he was subjected to the same blackmail during the torture sessions. These manœuvres confirm the wave of mass arrests in preparation in Kigali.

FDU INKINGI is yet investigating the disappearance and whereabouts of one of its members in a Kigali suburb since the 24th June 2010.

Death threats were made against Executive members of FDU INKINGI during their detention.
We call on the government of General Kagame to ensure the security of people is guaranteed and to bring to justice those responsible for torture, degrading and inhumane treatment of people as well as the use of racist and hateful language during torments.

3. Call for a non violent resistance.

The sham electoral process must stop without delay and the date of presidential election postponed paving the way to opposition political parties to register and participate; and for the political leaders to be cleared of the trumped criminal charges. An independent national electoral commission agreed on by all the stakeholders is a must.

If the election calendar is maintained and the muzzling and decapitation of opposition political parties remain then the presence of international observers is a useless exercise. The regime will rig the whole process and manipulate election registry, the turnout, the management of poll stations, the counting of votes and obviously will decide the results it wants.

Under these conditions, the Rwandan people must denounce the legitimacy of this masquerade until proper, transparent and equitable electoral process is conducted.

The Rwandan people have been put under so much duress but are still very resilient. They are still alive.
Resistance is not only an organisation but the determination of a people to resist a dictatorship.
Non-violence: resisting state repression.

We asked in vain the postponement of presidential elections in order to level the playing field for a transparent, fair and timely election. We need an open public debate on national issues and different political programmes. Under the present circumstances, we reject beforehand election results because they will not reflect the will of the people, due to lack of a democratic and transparent process. It is nothing more than a stage managed exercise meant to hoodwink.

This escalation of political repression taking place marked by assassinations of political leaders and journalists, arrests and torture of political figures, the closure of newspapers, death threats cannot allow credible elections.

As I said when I arrived in Rwanda, our political struggle does not end with elections. On the contrary, we have reasons more than ever before to continue our struggle.

It’s time to face again our conscience and responsibilities towards our beloved country and our people.
I expect our friends not to fail Rwanda again. We are a nation and not a private property of one man. Calmly and with determination we shall resist the violence and intimidation of the regime of General Paul Kagame.

We shall make sure that the efforts of subjugating by force fail. We shall resist the efforts used to tarnish our image in order to exclude us. We shall resist the efforts to divide us and in order to subjugate us. We refuse to be taken hostages of the past of our country.

Rwandans are aspiring for genuine reconciliation. They want to tell the truth to each other on the tragedy that befell our country. They want to end exclusion. We must do it for ourselves, for our children and for the future of our country.

Write in full letters, be it in your hand, in your head, in your heart, in your actions of everyday, in your small gestures, everywhere and every time.

“I want to resist, I resist for the welfare of my people”

Each one of you has something he/she can do to make the change possible. What we need is courage and to accept to take charge of our destiny.

Let us all be the tools for that change that we want by resisting the dictatorship. The bell tolls for change.

God bless you all.

Ms. Victoire INGABIRE UMUHOZA
FDU INKINGI
Chair

Spanish PM changes plans, will not meet Rwandan president Kagame

Spanish PM changes plans, will not meet Rwandan president

(AFP) – 6 hours ago

MADRID — Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero has decided not to go ahead with a meeting on Friday in Madrid with Rwandan President Paul Kagame which had been contested by charities, a government spokesman said.

Zapatero and Kagame, who is targeted in a Spanish probe into the 1994 genocide, had been scheduled to meet Friday, during a the first meeting of a group set up last month by the United Nations to advance the fight against poverty.

The meeting, which was due to be held at Moncloa palace, the seat of the Spanish government, will instead be held at a downtown Madrid hotel and Spain will be represented by Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos, the spokesman said.

Zapatero will meet with UN chief Ban Ki-moon separately, he added.

Last month the UN chief named Zapatero and Kagame as the co-chairs of the advocacy group pushing for progress on the Millennium Development Goals that set the aim of halving extreme poverty by 2015.

Earlier on Thursday the Coordinating Committee for Development NGOs in Spain (CONGDE) said in a statement that the UN's choice of Kagame for the post was "questionable."

It criticised "Zapatero's passivity for accepting without objection to work beside someone accused of genocide".

Asked about the statement, the government spokesman said only that the decision to move the meeting to a hotel was taken on Thursday and the the government felt that Moratinos' presence at the meeting was "sufficient".

In 2008 Spain's High Court announced its intention to prosecute 40 Rwandan army officers for genocide, crimes against humanity and terrorism related to events that took place between 1994 and 2000, including under the Kagame's rule.

Kagame's then rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front in July 1994 put an end to the 100-day slaughter of at least 800,000 people, mostly from his Tutsi minority, by Hutu extremist militias and government troops.

But the Spanish judiciary accuses Kagame of fomenting the ethnic clashes in a bid to seize power. The Rwandan officers are accused, among other things, of murdering missionaries and Spanish expatriates who were allegedly witnesses to massacres.

Under Spanish law, a court can prosecute human rights crimes even if the alleged offences took place abroad.

But Kagame is immune from prosecution because of his status as head of state. His government has formally rejected the judge's accusations.

Others in the so-called MDG Advocacy Group, named after the Millennium Development Goals, include Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus of Bangladesh, Microsoft founder Bill Gates, CNN founder Ted Turner and Jeffrey Sachs of The Earth Institute and Columbia University.

Amnesty International 2010 Report. Rwanda: A Genocide Ideology Promoting State

Amnesty International 2010 Report. Rwanda: A Genocide Ideology Promoting State
Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
June 01, 2010
In eleven earlier articles titled "Amnesty International 2010 Report. Foreword. Pursuing justice: For all Rights, for all People"

(http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/159774), "The Amnesty International Report 2010 - Report at a Glance, and World by Region"

(http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/159780), "Amnesty International 2010 Report. Key Issues: Human Rights Defenders, Justice and Development" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/159784) and "Amnesty International 2010 Report: Global Justice Gap Condemns Millions to Abuse" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/159789), "Terrorist State of Fake Ethiopia Must Cease to Exist. Amnesty International

Devastating Report" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/159808), "Amnesty International 2010 Report. Recapitulative Chapter on Africa" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/159963), "Amnesty International 2010 Report. Recapitulative Chapter on Middle East and North Africa" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/159969), "Amnesty International 2010 Report. Biased Chapter on Eritrea Denounced"

(http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/159996), "Amnesty International 2010 Report. Omissions in the Chapter on Sudan: Nubians, Bejas (Blemmyes)" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160037), "Amnesty International 2010 Report. Peace, Justice Impose the Split of the Colonial Fabrication Kenya" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160038) and "Amnesty International 2010 Report. Uganda: a Genocidal State Threat for Regional Peace and Security" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160172), I republished preliminary parts of the Report released a few days ago by the leading humanitarian NGO Amnesty International, namely the Foreword, the summary titled "Report at a glance", the recapitulative section "World by region", the section Key Issues, which involves three thematic units, namely Millennium Development Goals, International Justice, and Human Rights Defenders, the Amnsety International Press Release, titled "Report 2010: Global Justice Gap Condemns Millions to Abuse", and the speech given by interim Secretary General Claudio Cordone at AIR 2010 launch event. I also republished the recapitulative chapters on Africa and the Middle East and North Africa, and the chapters on Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia), Eritrea, Sudan, Kenya and Uganda.

In forthcoming articles, I will republish further chapters from the Report, highlighting omissions, oversights and cases of unbalanced presentation. In the present article, I republish the chapter on Rwanda.

Republic οf Rwanda

Head of state: Paul Kagame

Head of government: Bernard Makuza

Death penalty: abolitionist for all crimes

Population: 10 million

Life expectancy: 49.7 years

Under-5 mortality (m/f): 167/143 per 1,000

Adult literacy: 64.9 per cent

The authorities tightly controlled political space in advance of the 2010 presidential elections and freedom of expression was unduly restricted by broad laws on genocide ideology. Human rights defenders continued to exercise self censorship to avoid confrontations with the authorities. Conventional courts still fell short of fair trial standards despite continued improvements to Rwanda´s justice system. Rwanda sought to address some failings within its criminal justice system which were cited by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) when it refused to transfer cases in 2008. No country extradited genocide suspects to Rwanda.

Background

International donors, pleased with economic developments and Rwanda´s rapprochement with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), rarely raised human rights violations publicly.

Rwanda´s relations with the DRC improved following a peace deal early in the year to end the rebellion by the Rwandan-backed National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP). In January, Rwanda joined Congolese government forces in a joint military offensive against the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) in North-Kivu province. Military operations against the FDLR were strongly criticized from a human rights perspective (see DRC entry). The Netherlands and Sweden did not reinstate direct budgetary assistance which they had suspended in December 2008 following the release of a UN report demonstrating Rwandan support for the CNDP. Rwanda joined the Commonwealth of Nations and restored diplomatic relations with France in November.

Freedom of expression

Freedom of expression remained severely restricted.

Journalists

In August, the government introduced a media law which placed undue restrictions on press freedom, including a requirement that Rwandan journalists possess a degree or certificate in journalism as a precondition to practicing. Some journalists who were critical of the government continued to be excluded from government press conferences.

On 25 April, the BBC Kinyarwanda service was suspended by the Rwandan government after it aired a trailer for a show discussing forgiveness after the 1994 genocide. The government argued, without basis, that the broadcast constituted genocide denial, which is a criminal offence in Rwanda. The advertisement included Faustin Twagiramungu, a former presidential candidate, opposing attempts to have all Hutus apologize for the genocide as not all had participated in it. The broadcast also contained an excerpt from a man of mixed ethnicity reflecting on why the government had not allowed relatives of those killed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) to grieve. The BBC service was reinstated in June following negotiations between the BBC and the government.

Law on genocide ideology

The authorities used broadly defined genocide ideology laws to silence dissent, including criticisms of the ruling RPF party and demands for justice for RPF war crimes. As of August 2009, there were reportedly 912 people in prison (356 awaiting trial; 556 convicted and sentenced) on genocide ideology charges. Some cases resulted in acquittals, often following a period of prolonged pre-trial detention.

Although the law covers some acts that can constitute hate speech, it requires no link to any genocidal act and is extremely vague. For example, it penalizes people with a 10- to 25-year prison term for "dehumanizing" a group of people by "laughing at one´s misfortune" or "stirring up ill feelings". It penalizes young children with sentences of up to 12 months at a rehabilitation centre, and those aged 12 to 18 with prison sentences of between five and twelve and a half years.

Human rights defenders

Human rights defenders continued to self-censor their work to avoid confrontations with the authorities. There were reports that some NGOs continued to be infiltrated by members of the ruling RPF party.


Freedom of association

The government actively impeded the registration of nascent opposition political parties. The Social Party Imberakuri was registered in August after several delays, but the Green Party still awaited its registration in late 2009 and had difficulty securing police clearance for meetings.

Prisoners of conscience

Charles Ntakirutinka, a former government minister, remained in Kigali Central Prison, serving a 10-year sentence due to end in 2012. He was convicted, in an unfair trial, of inciting civil disobedience and associating with criminal elements. His co-accused, former President Pasteur Bizimungu, was released by presidential pardon in 2007.

Justice system

Rwanda sought to address some of the failings within its criminal justice system, which were impugned by the ICTR when it refused to transfer cases to Rwanda in 2008. In May, Rwanda amended the 2007 transfer law, allowing witnesses residing abroad to testify by video link, deposition or before a judge sitting in a foreign jurisdiction. The amendment also provided for legal aid to indigent defendants transferred or extradited.

A special witness protection service for such cases was housed within the Supreme Court to respond to concerns that some defence witnesses would be averse to approaching the Witness and Victim Support Unit within the Prosecutor´s Office.

A draft law clarifying the nature of "special provisions" attached to life sentences was pending approval at year´s end. Abolition of the death penalty in 2007 led to the introduction of two types of life sentence: life imprisonment and life imprisonment with special provisions, which would be served in isolation. The draft law requires prisoners to be kept in individual cells for 20 years, raising concerns that some prisoners would be subjected to prolonged solitary confinement.

Rwanda does not have the capacity to keep prisoners in individual cells. The draft law would allow prisoners to exercise and receive visits only from members of their immediate family. It violates the right to health in medical emergencies, as a convicted prisoner could not access medical treatment outside prison without the approval of three prison doctors. As of October, there were 62,821 people in prison. Prison overcrowding continued to be a problem, despite a significant reduction in the prison population due to community service and annual prisoner releases.

Gacaca proceedings

Gacaca trials, whose procedures fail to meet international fair trial standards, were expedited with the objective of completing all outstanding cases by December. The 31 July deadline for new accusations before gacaca was extended in some areas. Some gacaca trials were reportedly marred by false accusations, corruption, and difficulties in calling defence witnesses. In December, with several appeals and revisions pending, the deadline to end gacaca was extended to the end of February 2010. After the closure of gacaca, new accusations were to be presented before conventional courts.

International justice

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda

The ICTR´s mandate to finish all first-instance trials was extended to end of June 2010, according to UN Security Council Resolution 1901. The apprehension of two suspects indicted by the ICTR, Gregoire Ndahimana and Idelphonse Nizeyimana, and their transfer to Arusha from the DRC and Uganda respectively, marked growing regional co-operation between countries to support justice for the genocide.

Universal jurisdiction – Genocide suspects living abroad

Judicial proceedings against genocide suspects took place in many countries including Belgium, Canada, Finland and the USA. Extradition hearings against genocide suspects continued in Finland, Sweden and the UK. No country extradited genocide suspects to Rwanda for trial.

Due to concerns over the protection of defence witnesses and fears of executive interference with the judiciary, a UK High Court ruling overturned the UK´s initial decision to extradite to Rwanda four Rwandans wanted on genocide charges. Finland ruled against extradition, deciding instead to try Francois Bazaramba under universal jurisdiction (see Finland entry). The court traveled to Rwanda to hear evidence from prosecution witnesses. Sweden was the first country to rule in favour of extradition, but Sylvere Ahorugeze´s extradition was halted pending an appeal at the European Court of Human Rights.

The Rwandan government reported that it had over 500 genocide suspects under investigation around the world. It also stated that some African countries had not co-operated with its investigations.

Impunity

War crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the RPF and the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) before, during and after the genocide were not prosecuted. There were no new criminal investigations or prosecutions initiated against former RPA fighters accused of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity. The ICTR did not issue indictments against any RPF commanders implicated in such abuses. Neither did the ICTR recall the RPF file that was transferred to the government of Rwanda, resulting in the prosecution of two junior commanders. This was despite concerns that the trial, whose verdict was pronounced in October 2008, fell short of international fair trial standards and that those who directed the killings were not prosecuted.

Rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people

In late December, the lower house of the Rwandan parliament rejected an amendment to the Penal Code, which would have criminalized same-sex relations and their promotion. Following significant pressure from Rwandan civil society and the diplomatic community, the Minister of Justice issued a public statement stating that homosexuality would not be criminalized, as sexual orientation was a private matter.

Refugees and asylum-seekers

The deadline for voluntary repatriation of Rwandan refugees from Uganda lapsed. This followed concerns raised that repatriation may not have been voluntary given that Uganda´s assistance to Rwandan refugees was due to cease after 31 July, according to the voluntary repatriation agreement signed between the Rwandan government, the Ugandan government and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees on 22 April.

Some refugees reported that they were stopped from cultivating their land. The ending of such assistance may have forced refugees who continued to have a well-founded fear of persecution in Rwanda to return there.

Amnesty International visits/report

Amnesty International delegates visited Rwanda in September and

October.

Finland: Universal jurisdiction put into practice against suspect in

Rwandan genocide (EUR/20/001/2009)