Uwishe Asiel Kabera, yishe n'abagore yari amaze gusambanya bo muri Giti na Murambi abarashe mu maguru !

from Laveritas

                     Ambasaderi Masozera mu Bubiligi akoresha abicanyi ruharwa!!

Basomyi b'urubuga DHR, reka mbabwire uko nzi Mutabazi Jules: Mutabazi Jules niwe maneko mukuru muri ambasade y'u Rwanda i Buruseli. Izina rye nyakuri ni Joseph UWAMUNGU alias Rutwe.

 

Mu gisirikare aho yageze muri 1991, ukora mw'ishami rishinzwe iperereza DMI, aho wamenyaniye n'umwicanyi ruharwa Jacques Nziza. Icyo gihe uwo Nziza yakoreraga Gisoro muri Uganda, kuko ibikorwa byo kurugamba uwo munyabwoba yabitinyaga. Icyakuranze cyambere kwabaye kwica abana 16 bavuye mu Rwanda bari baje kwifatanya na bagenzi babo kugira ngo babohoze urwababyaye.  

 

Ntimwagarukiye aho: wowe na sous-lieutenant Gakwaya, hamwe na soldat Kazungu Jean-Paul waje kwiyita Gustave (ubarizwa muri taxi i Buruseli), muhagarikiwe n'undi mwicanyi ruharwa  Dani Munyuza, mwabohoje abagore b'Abahutukazi i Giti na Murambi muri Byumba, mubakoresha igihe kinini imirimo y'uburetwa igeretseho no kubasambanya, murangije mubica urw'agashinyaguro mubarasa mu maguru; ibyo mwabikoze musiganwa no gusibanganya ibimenyetso by'ubugome igihe mwari mwimuriwe mu rindi bagiro rya Gabiro (ahajwe kwitwa Gologota), aho mwashinzwe kwica abana bakomoka mu Rwanda mwicaga mukabajugunya mu rwobo rw'umuriro. Ubwo bugome wabukomereje mu Rwanda Leta igifatwa, igihe wari umuyobozi wa Komine uvukamo muri Butare: wahafungiye Abahutu muri container bicwa n'inzara, inyota no kubura umwuka. 

 

Ibyo kandi bisa n'ibyo Kazungu yakoreye i Masaka, ahari igaraji rya gisirikare rya DMI: nawe yafungiye mw'ikamyo abasirikare bari bambuye MINUAR Abahutu yari yarakuye i Kabuga na Rwamagana, aho yari azi Abahutu benshi, dore ko ariho yari yarize amashuri yisumbuye. Muri abo bantu hari higanjemo abacuruzi n'abarimu. Abo bantu bamaze gushyirwa muri karisori itagagiraga ubuhumekero, na bo byabaviriyemo gupfa. Ibyo byose mwakoze byari bihagarikiwe n'umwicanyi Dani Munyuza, waherekeje iyo camion akayigeza Gologota hari hayobowe na serija-majoro Jeanne Nakiburi.

 

Niko Mutabazi alias Rutwe,

Uribuka ko nyuma y'ibyo byose witabajwe n'umwicanyi ruharwa Jack Nziza kugira ngo umwicire escort we. Uwo escort yaziraga gusambanya  umugore we Titi. Kandi uwo Titi Jack Nziza yari yaramwambuye uwo mu escort. Ariko rero kubera ko Jack Nziza yabaga ahugiye mu bwicanyi akibagirwa kubaka urugo, uwo Titi yari yarakomeje umubano n'uwo mu escort.

 

Umaze kumwivugana, inzego z'iperereza za perezidansi ya rebubulika zahagurukiye icyo kibazo cy'ubwicanyi bwawe, perezida Bizimungu Pasiteri asaba ko ufatwa. Ariko kubera ko wari ushyigikiwe n'igikomereza cy'umwicanyi Jack Nziza, yahise yemeza ko ayo makuru ahimbwa na Kabera Asieli wari umujyanama muri perezidansi. Nziza yahise ategeka ko Kabera yicwa, bishyirwa mu bikorwa nawe Mutabazi (UWAMUNGU Joseph) na RUKIMBIRA Norbert n'uwitwa KIBANDA, munafatanije na KAZUNGU wari ushinzwe kuyobya uburari bw'iperereza, afatanije na Dani MUNYUZA.

Agamije kukugoboka, umwicanyi ruharwa Jack Nziza yagufashije guhungira mu Budage, ari naho baje kukuroba bimaze guhosha, bakugabira imirimo y’ubutasi muri ambasade i Buruseli, aho washinzwe by'umwihariko gusebya no gucamo ibice abagize opozisiyo, ukoresheje ikinyoma, tutibagiwe n'ubundi bugome, nka twa tuzi (uburozi) kubakunaniye. Ibyo bikorwa byose bikaba bibera ahanini i Buruseli ku kabari kitwa Archipel, n'ahitwa ku Murindi, ku murozi mukuru RWAMBONERA.

 

Rutwe,

Akazi karakunaniye, cyane cyane ko Rwanda House wayimuriye muri ubwo bubari, aho muhurira n'abakeneye ibyangombwa. Abagabo bagutugira amafaranga, abagore ukabahatira kuryamana nawe, bityo ukabaminjiramo sida yakuzonze.

Abakuzi cyane mu bikorwa byawe bya buri munsi bemeza ko umugore yagutaye kubera ihabara ryawe ryitwa Lisette. N'akazi kakaba karakunaniye, ari nayo mpamvu bagukuyeho icyizere, imirimo wari ushinzwe yo guperereza ikaba yarongeye guhabwa BWITARE Eulade wari warayisezereweho. 

 

Amakuru aturuka ahantu hizewe yemeza ko ucyuye igihe, ibaruwa igusezerera iri mu nzira. Kandi n'umwicanyi ruharwa Jack Nziza waguhagararagaho, kubera ko wamukijije escort wamusambanyirizaga umugore, bikaba byaratumye munaba abasanzire (dore ko yagushyingiye mukuru w'umugore we kugira ngo ibanga ry'ubwicanyi musangiye ribagume hagati), nta cyo agishoboye kukumarira, kuko ntacyo ugishoboye uretse ubusambanyi n'ubusinzi., ari naho hakuviriyemo irindi zina wiswe n'intore ngenzi zawe: KACOKA, bivuze umuntu wananiwe, wabaye igisenzegeri.

 

Rutwe,

Isubireho kuko utazarenga hano ngo usubire i Rwanda ahatarangwa imiti nk'iyo ubona ino. Kwisubiraho byazagufasha kubaho utihishahisha. Bitabaye ibyo, uzishyira mu buroko ubwawe.

 

 

Uwase (uwaseliliane108@yahoo.com)

KAGAME'S ITINERARY OF MASSACRE FROM KAGITUMBA TO KINSHASA

THE RPF INKOTANYI ITINERARY OF BLOODSHED Starting from KAGITUMBA all the way to MBANADAKA

• Massacre in Kagitumba on October 1, 1990
• Ngarama massacre in 1991
• Massacre in Kiyombe and Butaro in 1991
• Massacre in Kigombe and Kinigi on January 22,1991 in Ruhengeri
• Massacre in Bwisige-Kivuye-Kibali-Muvumba in 1992
• Massacre in Gatsibo-Neke-Muhura in 1993
• Massacre of Nyacyonga in 1994
• Kibeho Massacre in 1995
• Massacre in Kinigi,Mukingo
• Nkuli, Nyamutera, Ndusu-Burringa, Satinskyi, Gaseke-
• Nyakizu,Mutura,Jenda,Kabatwa,Kabumba, Gatovu in 1996-1998
• DRC Hutu massacre of Kibumba, Kahindo,Katale, Lac Vert,Mugunga, NRA,Kavumu, Nyangezi in 1996-97
• Massacre in SAKE-KIBABI-WALIKALE-AMISI-TINGITINGI-LUBUTU RIVER-OBUNDU-KALEMI-KISANGANI-IKELLA, Opala-Ikela-Bokungu-Boende Mandaka

Paul Rusesabagina wrote to Tony Blair

Dear Mr. Blair,

For many years I have been thankful that you have been interested in my beloved Rwanda.  My name is Paul Rusesabagina. You might know my story from the movie Hotel Rwanda, or from my autobiography, An Ordinary Man.

During the 1994 Genocide I tried by every means to reach the outside world and to ask them to help rescue my countrymen from the Hell that we were living in. I could not get any one to listen then. I was very happy that you have been taking an interest in my country now.

However, I hope that you can see what is going on in Rwanda with a clear vision.  I am afraid that you, like many others outside of Africa, have been shown only one side of our country, a kind of African Potemkin Village.

I believe that you do care about Rwanda. But, I also think that you need to see more of the real Rwanda.  A few years ago, my foundation, the Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation, issued a paper about the Rwandan economy. The paper chronicled the growing gap between Rwandans living in the City and those living in the countryside. Since we authored this paper, things have gotten worse, not better.

We also investigated the healthcare system in Rwanda and issued a briefing paper this summer which I am attaching to this letter.  The report shows that the quality of healthcare services for the elite in Kigali is vastly superior to the level of healthcare that is available to people living in the rural areas. While I applaud the efforts of the Gates Foundation and the Clinton Foundation to increase health care facilities in the countryside, the problem is systemic.

This summer the international community has finally opened its eyes about President Kagame’s activities in the Congo.  The UN Group of Expert’s reports have shown that Rwanda is clearly behind the crimes of M23.

Conflict Minerals looted in the DRC and paid for with the lives of millions of innocent Congolese men, women and even children fuel President Kagame’s jets.  The price that has been paid to carry you and President Kagame around on these planes is too high. There is blood on the wings of those planes.

In 1994, I felt that you, and the rest of the international community, turned a blind eye and a deaf ear to our pleas for help.  As I sheltered the 1,268 people at the Hotel des Milles Collines, I vowed that if we made it out alive, I would never be silent when I saw people being slaughtered.  I cannot be silent today. I cannot stand by and do nothing, say nothing, when I know that President Kagame and his M23 thugs are murdering and looting in the Congo everyday.

Mr. Blair, I call upon you to show the moral leadership that I know you are capable of, and denounce President Kagame and his activities in the Congo.  Call him and ask him to stop these deadly activities. Ask him to stop killing, jailing and exiling the journalists and political leaders in Rwanda. You are one of the few people in the world that he still might listen to, please stop him before more innocent people are slaughtered.

Please do not let your personal friendship with President Kagame stand in the way of your conscience. I know that you did not hear our pleas for help in 1994.  Please listen to them today. You have a special relationship with President Kagame, please use it to save lives. Stop President Kagame.

Peace,

Paul Rusesabagina

Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation

More information about the Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation can be found here, www.hrrfoundation.org

Photo:
http://www.prlog.org/12058471/1

RWANDA:Reports of abductions of children in Rwanda are worrying and distressing.

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From the Rwandans Rights
Global Campaign for Rwandans’ Human Rights is concern about increasing reports about children and young people as young as 12 years old that are disappearing in Rwanda.
This has been happening for the past two months, particularly in western District of Rubavu. Local parents whose children are missing are concerns that their children might have been forcibly taken in Congo to assist the M23 rebels group. Parents who spoke to us unanimously for safety reasons informed us that on additional to anxiety caused by their children missing they also fearful to go to the Police to report their children missing due to lack of confidence in the authorities willingness to assist and believes that some level of authorities are implicated in their children abductions.
While we were investigating these reports the Congolese government Army showed to the media; members of M23 rebels group that they have captured. Among them included children and young people who confirmed that they were Rwandans and that they have been abducted and brought in Democratic Republic of Congo to assist the rebellion. These children include 12 years old Emmanuel Ntirenganya and 16 years old Claude Rugamba (pictured).


We urge the Rwandan government to do following actions:
- To stop immediately abduction of children from Rwandan streets.
- To liaise with Congolese government in order to ensure quick release of Rwandan children and young people arrested assisting the M23 rebellions.
- To assist parents and relative of children and young people who have missed in their quest to found out where are their children.
- To liaise the M23 rebels group based in Democratic Republic of Congo so that all children and young people assisting them are given the freedom to go back in Rwanda to join their family.
- To ensure parents particularly in the western province that the government will ensure that their children will be risk free from being abducted by rebel groups’ recruiters.
Secretariat – London
Info@rwandansrights.org

RWANDA:Politiki: Ndagira inama FDLR n'abakunzi bayo !

By HABIMANA RUKUNDO Nyuma y’ibihano byafatiwe M23 na FDLR, amarenga bacira FDLR niyumve. Abo muri FDLR mwumvise induru yavugijwe na M23? Ese mwe ntimugira ubavugira?

ABANA BU RWANDA MULI FDLR

Nimusabe inkunga abavandimwe n’inshuti. Nimusabe mudatitira imishyikirano, mugomba gutaha iwanyu mu Rwanda kandi mwemye.Ntimuterwe ubwoba.

M23 ishaka kwigarurira Kivu. Mwe ntawe muburana ubunyarwanda. Aba-FDLR bagomba kuba iwabo i Rwanda,bakabona uburenganzira nk’ubw’abandi banyarwanda.

 

M23 irwanirira ubunyekongo n’ubunyarwanda. Uwo gushyigikirwa ni nde ? Muzi neza ko FDLR ari umuhutu, M23 ni umututsi. None babashyize mu gatebo kamwe. M23 irimo iritakambira mwebwe muracecetse. Muhaguruke. Igihe ni iki. Ese mwumvise ko hari ibihumbi birenga 70 byaciriwe imanza bidahari? Hahaha!

 

 

 

Habimana Rukundo

University of Michigan

Michigan Indiana USA

DRC-RWANDA:Kabila parti déclara qu'il souhaite que les négociations entre le M23 et le gouvernement se tiennent à Kinshasa

Patrick Mbeko

En 2001, il se rend au Rwanda sur conseil des Sud-africains et s'allie aux agresseurs rwandais du RCD-GOMA. En avril 2011, en pleine campagne électorale, il affirma sur RFI que les problèmes du Kivu sont liés aux Mai Mai et non aux marionnettes du Rwanda semant la désolation dans ce coin du pays; à la sortie de sa rencontre avec le président François Hollande, il déclara que le Congo n'était pas agressé; récemment, son parti publia un communiqué soutenant les négociations amorcées pas le gouvernement fantoche de Kinshasa avec les différentes marionnettes de Kagame au Congo; et pas plus tard qu'aujourd'hui,son parti déclara qu'il souhaite que les négociations entre le M23 et le gouvernement se tiennent à Kinshasa (une manière de cautionner la feuille de route rwandaise par M23 interposé). Il y a un mois, un rapport de l'ONU souligna que son parti avait pris langue avec le M23 sans qu'aucun démenti ne fut apporté. Chers compatriotes, il est grand temps que les Congolais réalisent que l'UDPS et son chef Etienne Tshisekedi sont des alliés objectifs du pouvoir rwandais dans notre pays. A force de se montrer complaisant envers M. Tshisekedi, on risque de perdre le Congo et par le fait même devenir apatrides. En passant, après le cas First Quantum que j'ai révélé ici même, on va maintenant parler d'un cas jusque là inconnu de la majorité des Congolais: le cas POWER CORPORATION du milliardaire canadien Paul Demarais, le ''père spirituel'' de Nicolas Sarkozy. Oui, il s'est passé des choses au Canada durant la visite de M. Etienne Tshisekedi et les Congolais ont le droit de tout savoir. Je bois mon lait..

RWANDA-DRC:Rwanda schemed M23 rebellion for its benefit - UN expert

Editor's comments:RWANDA'S RPF WANTS FEDERALISM IN EASTERN DRC FOR ITS OWN SURVIVAL

 By STEVE HEGE

Since the outset of the M23 rebellion, the government of Rwanda has provided direct military support to the rebels, facilitated recruitment, encouraged desertions from the Congolese army and delivered ammunition, intelligence and political advice to them.

Rwanda, in fact, orchestrated the creation of M23 when a series of mutinies led by officers formerly belonging to the group’s predecessor, the Congrèsnational pour la défense du people (CNDP), were suppressed by the Congolese armed forces in early May.

But Rwanda continues to deny any involvement and has repeatedly claimed it was not consulted or given a right of reply to our investigations. This is not true.

Despite the government of Rwanda’s refusal to receive us during our official visit to Kigali in May, we purposefully delayed the publication of the addendum to our interim report in order to give the country’s Minister of Foreign Affairs an opportunity to clarify the information. But she declined to do so and claimed her government was not privy to our findings.

Following the publication of the addendum on June 27, we met again with the government of Rwanda in Kigali and took into consideration its written response to our interim report. However, we found no substantive element of our previous findings that we wished to alter.

In our final report, we also documented support for the rebels from the government of Uganda. Senior Ugandan officials provided the rebels with direct troop reinforcements in Congolese territory.

They also supported the creation and expansion of the political branch of M23 permanently based in Kampala even before President Joseph Kabila had ever authorised any interaction between the rebels and the government of Uganda.

Kampala acknowledged this support was indeed taking place in a meeting with the Group of Experts in early October. An appointed senior police officer said they would investigate and arrest those involved.

The DRC government is aware of this support but has chosen not to denounce it in the hope of convincing the Ugandans they have more to gain by working with Kinshasa than with Kigali in this crisis.

What is Rwanda’s motive?

Throughout our work, the question most often posed to us was: Why would Rwanda undertake such a politically dangerous endeavour?

Some of the motives behind this war are as follows:

As per their name, the rebels have claimed that the government reneged on the March 23, 2009 peace agreements.

However, this accord was merely an afterthought to formalise a bilateral deal between Kinshasa and Kigali which was predicated on affording the latter with immense influence in the Kivus in exchange for arresting CNDP chairman Laurent Nkunda, and forcing the rest of the group to join the national army under the leadership of Bosco Ntaganda.

M23 has also made many claims about human rights, even though nine of its members and associates have been designated for sanctions by both the US government and the UN’s Sanctions Committee, most for egregious violations of international law, including recruiting child soldiers and violent land grabs.

Nevertheless, M23 similarly demands good governance, though they have attacked and appropriated numerous state assets provided by donors, including recently, 33 vehicles previously donated to the Congolese police.

M23 also claims they are fighting for the 50,000 Tutsi refugees who remain in Rwanda. A rebellion which displaces over 500,000 can hardly defend the rights of 50,000 refugees.

In recent months, M23 has increasingly claimed that they want a review of the discredited 2011 presidential elections, in an attempt to attract the sympathies of a broader constituency and further weaken President Kabila.

Finally, Rwanda and M23 have said the Congolese army’s military operations against the Rwandan Hutu rebels of the FDLR have failed and the group remains a threat. However, not only did the Rwandan Minister of Defence recently say the FDLR could never threaten Rwanda, but the rebels are currently at all-time low numbers after thousands were demobilised by the UN.

Objectively, the greater security threat to Rwanda is represented by Tutsi political opponents who have fallen out with President Kagame in recent years.

Rwanda’s regional strategy

Rwandan involvement and orchestration of the M23 rebellion becomes more comprehensible when understood as a determined and calculated drive to spawn the creation of an autonomous federal state for eastern Congo.

Prior to the November 2011 elections, a senior intelligence officer within the Rwandan government discussed with me several possible scenarios for the secession of eastern Congo.

He said because the country was too big to be governed by Kinshasa, Rwanda should support the emergence of a federal state for eastern Congo. He said: “Goma should relate to Kinshasa in the same way that Juba was linked to Khartoum,” prior to the independence of South Sudan.

During several internal meetings of M23 for mobilisation, senior government officials, including the Minister of Defence’s special assistant, openly affirmed that establishing this autonomous state was in fact the key goal of the rebellion.

Several M23 commanders and allies have also openly confirmed this in interviews I conducted as part of the Group of Experts. Even senior Ugandan security officials also acknowledged this was the aim of the Rwandans in this M23 war.

One officer, who helped support M23 in co-operation with the Rwandans, told us: “They’re thinking big ... you need to look at South Sudan.”

The objective of federalism also helps to explain in part, the involvement of individuals within the Ugandan government. If Rwanda achieves its goal, then Ugandans would need to ensure that their own cultural, security, and economic interests in the eastern DRC were not jeopardised.

Steve Hege is the former co-ordinator of the UN Group of Experts on the DRC. The Experts submitted a report to the UN Security Council pointing to Rwanda's involvement in the DRC crisis.

RWANDA-US WHITE HOUSE:NGOs letter to President Obama: U.S. quiet diplomacy to address Rwandan involvement in eastern D. R. Congo failed

 

AFJN is one of the signatories of this letter
December 10, 2012
President Barack Obama
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Mr. President:

As the situation once again dramatically deteriorates in eastern Congo, the U.S. response to the crisis has patently failed and is out of step with other Western nations. The United States must take immediate steps to address meaningfully one of the greatest ongoing humanitarian crises of our generation. We call on you to appoint a Presidential Envoy to lead a coordinated U.S. response to the crisis, to support the appointment of a U.N. Envoy to the Great Lakes, to support the imposition of sanctions against violators of the United Nations arms embargo on DRC, and, finally, to cut all military assistance and suspend other non-humanitarian aid to the government of Rwanda for its support of the M23 insurgency.

Silence Regarding Rwanda’s Involvement Exacerbating the Problem
Over the past 15 years, U.S. efforts to prioritize quiet diplomacy to address Rwandan involvement in eastern Congo have failed to deter Rwanda’s continued incursions and use of proxy armed groups in the east.
While Rwanda has legitimate security and economic concerns, these alone do not justify the repeated violation of DRC sovereignty, the egregious human rights abuses of their armies and proxy forces, and the countless violations of the UN arms embargo. Since the M23 was created in the spring of 2012, U.S. officials continued to place faith in engaging Rwanda in a constructive dialogue. This approach has clearly failed to change Rwanda’s policy, as evidenced by the direct involvement of the Rwandan army in the recent takeover of Goma, as documented by the United Nations Group of Experts. Read the full letter

RWANDA-INYMBA ALOYSIA: NYAKWIGENDERA INYUMBA AZIZE UBUHEMU BWA KAGAME

By Theogene Rudasingwa
Aloysea Inyumba yitabye Imana, asize abana , umugabo, abavandimwe n'incuti. Inyumba apfuye akiri muto, agifitiye akamaro umulyango we n'abanyarwanda muri rusange.

Inyumba yari umuvandimwe wangye. Kandi, nkumuntu wakoranye nawe hari icyo namuvugaho. Inyumba yaranzwe nubwitangye, umurava, ubutwari n'rukundo mu guharanira inyungu za FPR, igihe abenshi muri uwo mulyango babonaga ko ari nazo nyungu zabanyarwanda bose.

Hagati aho, Kagame nagatsiko ke batesheje FPR umulongo, ubu bakaba bakoresha uwo mulyango ku nyungu zabo bwite, binyuranye ni byifuzo ninyungu zabanyamulyango nabanyarwanda. Inyumba yashyize umutsi kuryinyo, arihangana, akomeza gukorera Kagame nubwo yarajijukiwe bihagije azi neza ko FPR yataye umulongo. Nibyo, murukwo gukoreshwa hari abagira bati yari afite iyo nenge. Nta mwiza wabuze inenge. Ukiri kw'isi wese agira inenge.

Kagame yahemukiye Inyumba, nkuko yahemukiye bangenzi be benshi muri FPR, nkuko ahemukira ubutitsa abanyarwanda. 1) Mu myaka yashize Kagame nagatsiko ke badukwijemo ibihuha ngo Inyumba n'umuhutukazi, ngo abantu be kumwizera. Kagame yamutumyeho umwe mu basirikare bamurinda ngo abimubwire, ngo kandi amubwire ko nagira undi abibwira, cyangwa agahunga ko bazamwiyicira. 2) Inyumba arwariye Nairobi Kagame yohereje abakozi ba Nziza na Dan Munyuza kujya kumucuza, kumwambura inyandiko no kumusinyisha bamuvana kuri za accounts mu ma bank hirya no hino kwisi aho Kagame abitsa ibyo yasahuye FPR nabanyarwanda. 3) Inyumba yigeze kwohereza umwana we mukuru kwiga muri Amerika, Kagame ategeka ko umwana agaruka. Abana ba Kagame bo biga hano muri Amerika. 4) Inyumba apfpuye ari umukene, kuko yari afite ubupfura nuburere bwo kutiba nka Kagame. Umuntungo kagame yigwijijeho, ntacyo yigeze asagurira Inyumba wabaye umubitsi we igihe kirekire.

Inyumba apfanye agahinda. Inyumba apfanye amabanga menshi kandi akomeye.

Ese intore za Kagame na FPR zivana isomo ki mu rufpu rwa Inyumba?

Icyambere nuko Kagame areba buri munyamulyango wa FPR, buri munyarwanda nki ngwate ye. Iyo Inyumba aza kugira uburenganzira busesuye, aba yarashatse ibindi akora cyangwa akava ku ngoyi ya Kagame akigira mu bindi bihugu.

Icyakabiri nuko Kagame afata buri mu nyamulyango wa FPR nkigikoresho akoresha ubuzima bwagishiramo akakijugunya, akakita ikigarasha cyangwa ibirohwa, agafunga cyangwa akica. Ese abiyita intore ntibasubiza amaso inyuma ngo bibaze? Ubuse Pasteur Bizimungu na Mazimpaka na Bihozagara ntabwo bareba aho baryanitse? Ese da, niba Nyamwasa, Rudasingwa, Karegeya na Gahima bo barabaye ibigoryi, ibisambo nabagambanyi nkuko Kagame avuga, abandi bo bazize iki cyangwa bazira iki: Seth Sendashonga, Biseruka, Wilson Rutayisire (Shaban), Col Ngoga, Alexis Kanyarengwe, nabandi benshi tutarondora? Wowe wiyita intore wunva Inyumba nabo bose waba ubarushije iki? Uyu munsi ni Inyumba, ejo ni wowe.

Icya gatatu nuko ibikorwa bitarimo ubumuntu n'urukundo amaherezo bitabona agaciro kumuntu ku giti cye, bityo umuntu akazarinda ajya ikuzimu yitwa ngo akorera umulyango cyangwa igihugu yariburiye akanya n'umulyango we. Ibi si FPR bireba gusa. Ni abanyarwanda twese, nabari muri opposition. Hakwiriye kuba akanya umuntu yisigira ku giti kye katavogerwa na Leta n'imilyango dukorera.

Inyumba yari intwari wakwifuza kuba hamwe nayo ku rugamba. Reka ndangize mbabwira akantu gato ariko kerekana uko Inyumba yarumurwanashyaka w'imena. Mu gihe cy'urugamba rwa FPR twari mu Bubiligi jye nawe dufata tagisi. Uko iginda ibara amafaranga yiyongera Inyumba abura amohoro tutaragera iyo tujya. Aravuga ati abaye menshi tuvemo. Nuko tuyivamo tugendesha amaguru, kandi ubwo yari yikoreye igipfunyika cyamadollari arenze 100,000 abikiye guhahira abana ku rugamba.

Reka dushimire Imana ko yaduhaye Inyumba, kandi ko mu buzima bwe yakoreye iberenze inyungu ze bwite.

Theogene Rudasingwa

US-RWANDA: PRESIDENT CLINTON'S SPEECH IN RWANDA IN 1998 PROMISING TO HELP RWANDANS BOTH HUTUS AND TUTSIS NOT ONE TRIBE

Thank you, Mr. President. First, let me thank you, Mr. President, and Vice President Kagame, and your wives for making Hillary and me and our delegation feel so welcome. I'd also like to thank the young students who met us and the musicians, the dancers who were outside. I thank especially the survivors of the genocide and those who are working to rebuild your country for spending a little time with us before we came in here.

I have a great delegation of Americans with me, leaders of our government, leaders of our Congress, distinguished American citizens. We're all very grateful to be here. We thank the diplomatic corps for being here, and the members of the Rwandan government, and especially the citizens.

I have come today to pay the respects of my nation to all who suffered and all who perished in the Rwandan genocide. It is my hope that through this trip, in every corner of the world today and tomorrow, their story will be told; that four years ago in this beautiful, green, lovely land, a clear and conscious decision was made by those then in power that the peoples of this country would not live side by side in peace.

During the 90 days that began on April 6 in 1994, Rwanda experienced the most intensive slaughter in this blood-filled century we are about to leave. Families murdered in their home, people hunted down as they fled by soldiers and militia, through farmland and woods as if they were animals.

From Kibuye in the west to Kibungo in the east, people gathered seeking refuge in churches by the thousands, in hospitals, in schools. And when they were found, the old and the sick, women and children alike, they were killed--killed because their identity card said they were Tutsi or because they had a Tutsi parent, or because someone thought they looked like a Tutsi, or slain like thousands of Hutus because they protected Tutsis or would not countenance a policy that sought to wipe out people who just the day before, and for years before, had been their friends and neighbors.

The government-led effort to exterminate Rwanda's Tutsi and moderate Hutus, as you know better than me, took at least a million lives. Scholars of these sorts of events say that the killers, armed mostly with machetes and clubs, nonetheless did their work five times as fast as the mechanized gas chambers used by the Nazis.

It is important that the world know that these killings were not spontaneous or accidental. It is important that the world hear what your president just said; they were most certainly not the result of ancient tribal struggles. Indeed, these people had lived together for centuries before the events the president described began to unfold.

These events grew from a policy aimed at the systematic destruction of a people. The ground for violence was carefully prepared, he airwaves poisoned with hate, casting the Tutsis as scapegoats for the problems of Rwanda, denying their humanity. All of this was done, clearly, to make it easy for otherwise reluctant people to participate in wholesale slaughter.

Lists of victims, name by name, were actually drawn up in advance. Today the images of all that haunt us all: the dead choking the Kigara River, floating to Lake Victoria. In their fate we are reminded of the capacity in people everywhere not just in Rwanda, and certainly not just in Africa but the capacity for people everywhere to slip into pure evil. We cannot abolish that capacity, but we must never accept it. And we know it can be overcome.

The international community, together with nations in Africa, must bear its share of responsibility for this tragedy, as well. We did not act quickly enough after the killing began. We should not have allowed the refugee camps to become safe haven for the killers. We did not immediately call these crimes by their rightful name: genocide. We cannot change the past. But we can and must do everything in our power to help you build a future without fear, and full of hope.

We owe to those who died and to those who survived who loved them, our every effort to increase our vigilance and strengthen our stand against those who would commit such atrocities in the future here or elsewhere.

Indeed, we owe to all the peoples of the world who are at risk because each bloodletting hastens the next as the value of human life is degraded and violence becomes tolerated, the unimaginable becomes more conceivable. We owe to all the people in the world our best efforts to organize ourselves so that we can maximize the chances of preventing these events. And where they cannot be prevented, we can move more quickly to minimize the horror.

So let us challenge ourselves to build a world in which no branch of humanity, because of national, racial, ethnic, or religious origin, is again threatened with destruction because of those characteristics, of which people should rightly be proud. Let us work together as a community of civilized nations to strengthen our ability to prevent and, if necessary, to stop genocide.

To that end, I am directing my administration to improve, with the international community, our system for identifying and spotlighting nations in danger of genocidal violence, so that we can assure worldwide awareness of impending threats. It may seem strange to you here, especially the many of you who lost members of your family, but all over the world there were people like me sitting in offices, day after day after day, who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror.

We have seen, too, and I want to say again, that genocide can occur anywhere. It is not an African phenomenon and must never be viewed as such. We have seen it in industrialized Europe We have seen it in Asia We must have global vigilance. And never again must we be shy in the face of the evidence.

Secondly, we must as an international community have the ability to act when genocide threatens. We are working to create that capacity here in the Great Lakes region, where the memory is still fresh.

This afternoon in Entebbe, leaders from central and eastern Africa will meet with me to launch an effort to build a coalition to prevent genocide in this region. I thank the leaders who have stepped forward to make this commitment. We hope the effort can be a model for all the world, because our sacred task is to work to banish this greatest crime against humanity.

Events here show how urgent the work is. In the northwest part of your country, attacks by those responsible for the slaughter in 1994 continue today. We must work as partners with Rwanda to end this violence and allow your people to go on rebuilding your lives and your nation.

Third, we must work now to remedy the consequences of genocide. The United States has provided assistance to Rwanda to settle the uprooted and restart its economy, but we must do more. I am pleased that America will become the first nation to contribute to the new Genocide Survivors Fund. We will contribute this year $2 million, continue our support in the years to come, and urge other nations to do the same, so that survivors and their communities can find the care they need and the help they must have.

Mr. President, to you, and to you, Mr. Vice President, you have shown great vision in your efforts to create a single nation in which all citizens can live freely and securely. As you pointed out, Rwanda was a single nation before the European powers met in Berlin to carve up Africa. America stands with you, and we will continue helping the people of Rwanda to rebuild their lives and society.

You spoke passionately this morning in our private meeting about the need for grassroots effort in this direction. We will deepen our support for those grassroots efforts, for the development projects, which are bridging divisions and clearing a path to a better future. We will join with you to strengthen democratic institutions, to broaden participation, to give all Rwandans a greater voice in their own governance. The challenges you face are great, but your commitment to lasting reconciliation and inclusion is firm.

Fourth, to help ensure that those who survived in the generations to come never again suffer genocidal violence, nothing is more vital than establishing the rule of law. There can be no peace in Rwanda that lasts without a justice system that is recognized as such.

We applaud the efforts of the Rwandan government to strengthen civilian and military justice systems.

I am pleased that our Great Lakes Justice Initiative will invest $30 million to help create throughout the region judicial systems that are impartial, credible, and effective. In Rwanda these funds wll help to support courts, prosecutors, and police, military justice and cooperation at the local level.

We will also continue to pursue justice through our strong backing for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. The United States is the largest contributor to this tribunal. We are frustrated, as you are, by the delays in the tribunal's work. As we know, we must do better. Now that administrative improvements have begun, however, the tribunal should expedite cases through group trials, and fulfill its historic mission.

We are prepared to help, among other things, with witness relocation, so that those who still fear can speak the truth in safety. And we will support the War Crimes Tribunal for as long as it is needed to do its work, until the truth is clear and justice is rendered.

Fifth, we must make it clear to all those who would commit such acts in the future that they too must answer for their acts, and they will. In Rwanda, we must hold accountable all those who may abuse human rights, whether insurgents or soldiers. Internationally, as we meet here, talks are underway at the United Nations to establish a permanent international criminal court. Rwanda and the difficulties we have had with this special tribunal underscores the need for such a court. And the United States will work to see that it is created.

I know that in the face of all you have endured, optimism cannot come easily to any of you. Yet I have just spoken, as I said, with several Rwandans who survived the atrocities, and just listening to them gave me reason for hope. You see countless stories of courage around you every day as you go about your business here?—men and women who survived and go on, children who recover the light in their eyes remind us that at the dawn of a new millennium there is only one crucial division among the peoples of the Earth. And believe me, after over five years of dealing with these problems, I know it is not the division between Hutu and Tutsi, or Serb and Croatian and Muslim in Bosnia, or Arab and Jew, or Catholic and Protestant in Ireland, or black and white. It is really the line between those who embrace the common humanity we all share and those who reject it.

It is the line between those who find meaning in life through respect and cooperation and who, therefore, embrace peace, and those who can only find meaning in life if they have someone to look down on, someone to trample, someone to punish, and, therefore, embrace war. It is the line between those who look to the future and those who cling to the past. It is the line between those who give up their resentment and those who believe they will absolutely die if they have to release one bit of grievance. It is the line between those who confront every day with a clenched fist and those who confront every day with an open hand. That is the only line that really counts when all is said and done.

To those who believe that God made each of s in His own image, how could we choose the darker road? When you look at those children who greeted us as we got off that plane today, how could anyone say they did not want those children to have a chance to have their own children? To experience the joy of another morning sunrise? To learn the normal lessons of life? To give something back to their people?

When you strip it all away, whether we're talking about Rwanda or some other distant troubled spot, the world is divided according to how people believe they draw meaning from life.

And so I say to you, though the road is hard and uncertain, and there are many difficulties ahead, and like every other person who wishes to help, I doubtless will not be able to do everything I would like to do, there are things we can do. And if we set about the business of doing them together, you can overcome the awful burden that you have endured. You can put a smile on the face of every child in this country, and you can make people once again believe that they should live as people were living who were singing to us and dancing for us today.

That's what we have to believe. That is what I came here to say. That is what I wish for you.

Thank you and God bless you.

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  Theogene Rudasingwa WRITE TO PRESIDENT CLINTON TO HOLD HIM ACCOUNTABLE TO HIS PROMISES: 1) How much has the United States government and the international community sought to bring the Kagame regime to account for its acts 2) How much has the US government and the international community helped Rwanda to build the rule of law and fair justice 3) How much has the United States and the international community remedied the consequences of genocide? How have they helped victims of genocide and massacres, both Hutu and Tutsi? 4) Is the world better now in identifying and spotlighting nations in danger of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and other serious human human rights abuses? In Rwanda, DRC and the Great Lakes? 5) Is the United States and the international community able and willing to act in response to genocidal threats? Remind him of what is going on in Rwanda and DRC. UN Mapping Report!

  39 minutes ago · Like · 1
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  Cynthia Ngirabakunzi I will take the time to write to him. Thanks! But I still believe deep in me that Mr. Paul Kagame has planned his way out. The reason why I believe it is because he might be a person such like I am facing the same realities and disturbances of intelligence given education from the past and that might not be the good intelligence for many. The vision and consciousness will never be the same from human to human, depending on the genes and basic family education.

  17 minutes ago · Like
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  Cynthia Ngirabakunzi The roots also depends on it. You bring a hutu guy over here with the same vision, it will be the same Kagame in the opposit.

  16 minutes ago · Like
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  Cynthia Ngirabakunzi I am sorry but I have to be straight!

  16 minutes ago · Like
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  Cynthia Ngirabakunzi Its quiet funny because, at the point of becoming conscious, two of my sources were also conscious and one of them needed some advice because he was seeing Kabuga arriving back. And since Kayibanda's time the Banyamulenge grew a bit like under our protection. Habyarimana came after, after my grand-mother's suicide. The Banyamulenge grew a bit in fear and became polygamous. lol

  9 minutes ago · Like
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  Cynthia Ngirabakunzi And the time they had to infiltrate me in the Embassy, it were Kayumba's people, wherein one of them was willing absolutely a baby.

  7 minutes ago · Like
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  Cynthia Ngirabakunzi hahahah it grows like that from the past untill later and then you get a huge family and all of them don't even realize when they sabotage you!