12 March 2010
My
experience with the Great Lakes region of Africa began in 1991. While
traveling in southern Uganda I was witness to the shooting of an unarmed
man by unknown assailants believed to be rebels of the Rwandan
Patriotic Army/Front. Since then I have worked tirelessly to uncover the
truth about the war in the Dem. Republic of Congo (DRC) and 'genocide'
in Rwanda.
I began researching and reporting on war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide in Rwanda in 1995; I began reporting on events in
Zaire (DRC) in 1996. In 2000 at the International Criminal Tribunal on
Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania I explored the case of Major Bernard
Ntuyahaga, ex-
Forces Armée Rwandaise (ex-FAR), a celebrated Hutu 'genocide ringleader, who I personally met there.
Of course, I presumed the man guilty of conspiracy to commit
genocide, prior to any trial, according to the prevailing climate of
institutionalized suspicion and assumptions of guilt against all Hutu
people, and certainly against all officials of the former government
under President Juvenal Habyarimana. Major Ntuyahaga committed genocide.
We all knew it. Why bother with a trial?
On April 6--the anniversary of the double presidential killings--2001
I gave expert testimony at a U.S. House of Representatives hearing,
convened by Cynthia McKinney, ranking member of the International
Operations and Human Rights Subcommittee, International Relations
Committee, convened to assess genocide and covert operations in Central
Africa.
For the last 15 years I have been investigating militias and criminal
rackets and propaganda about Central Africa. I investigated massacres,
assassinations, torture, rape as a weapon of war, and disappearing,
individuals and groups, multinational corporations, state and non-state
actors, Africans and non-Africans.
Eastern Congo's north and south Kivu provinces are effectively
controlled to this day by criminal networks from Rwanda: there are
Rwandans who have fled Rwanda there, and others who are allied with the
Kagame regime.
In DRC, I investigated numerous cites of atrocities committed by the
Rwandan Patriotic Army/Front (RPA/F) and Ugandan People's Defense Forces
(UPDF) as they marched across Zaire (DRC), calling themselves the
Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Zaire/Congo (ADFL),
and hunted down and slaughtered perhaps as many as 600,000 unarmed
refugees, 1996-1997, mostly women and children under 15 years old.
I have also interviewed European expatriates who are direct witnesses
regarding massacres and/or the creation of mass graves, and the
destruction of evidence (including the collection, removal and
incineration of bodies and/or skeletons).
My early reportage on Rwanda (1995-1997) unknowingly advanced false
narratives about victims v. killers, and the nature of and culpability
for atrocities, including 'genocide' in Rwanda. The established
narrative remains overly simplified and the truth has been hijacked and
suppressed by the mass media. My work has been very high profile, and I
have been warned to stay out of Rwanda by Rwandan insiders. A few years
ago the Government of Rwanda (GOR) labeled me a 'genocide denier' and I
consider myself
persona non grata in Rwanda (and Ethiopia).
On February 24, 2010 a communiqué was received by email from a
Rwandan human rights organization in Belgium, written in Kinyarwanda and
allegedly leaked, listing alleged directives from the Rwandan
intelligence services to members of Rwanda's Annual Ambassadors and High
Commissioners Retreat. The closed-doors meeting of February 17-18,
2010--'officially' organized by Rwandan Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
Communications (MINAFFET) Minister Ms. Louis Mushikiwabo, and
'officially' held at MINAFFET headquarters in Kigali, Rwanda--was
actually held in Gisenyi. The topic was: "Failure to implement Kigali's
orders: crack down the on opposition and other people tarnishing the
current RPF government image."
The document circulated coincident
with the late February 2010 defection and flight of Rwanda's
ambassadors to Holland and India (see below). While its origin remains
unverified, this document exemplifies the GOR's
modus operandi on public and international relations.
***************
Some Conclusions of the Ambassadors' Meeting in Kigali
During an in camera meeting between the Rwandan ambassadors and President Kagame in February 2010, many issues were discussed.
The ambassadors have been criticized of
failing to fulfill their mission of representing Rwanda abroad. They
were reminded the instructions they failed to fulfill, with the
consequences of tarnishing the Rwanda image following the negative
propaganda by the Rwandan refugees.
They were given a report from the Intelligence Services revealing
the enemies of the country who should be fought by all means possible
and if necessary by assassination. The following are names of foreigners
and organizations that need to be fought urgently.
Foreigners to target: Robin Philpot;
C. Peter Erlinder; Keith Harmon Snow; Jordi Palou-Loverdos; Peter
Verlinden; Pierre Péan; Charles Onana; Filip Reyntjens; Luc de Temmerman.
Also target Rwandan refugees representing the FDLR [Forces for the
Democratic Liberation of Congo] in Africa; Europe; America; and
elsewhere.
Organizations to target, starting by their leaders (CLIIR; COSAR; FEDA; AJIIR; AGPJR; OPJDR).
Political parties that are active abroad, starting with their leaders (FDU/UDF; Intwari Partnership; PDR-Ihumure; PDP-Imanzi).
We are still collecting information about the list of the Rwandese
people to be hunted specifically because they are sabotaging the Kigali
regime. This list is long and it keeps growing, as enemies are getting
more numerous.
The ambassadors were given all authority to have these people
eliminated or discredited. Each ambassador would request, as needed, the
government to provide all capabilities to attain his objectives.
Whoever gets more information would kindly share with other group
members.
Wishing you all the best.
***********
The westerners listed above (a few key 'enemies' names do not appear,
including Christopher Black, Wayne Madsen, Cynthia McKinney, Luc
Marchal, Mick Collins and Helmut Strizek) have pressed against public
opinion and propaganda to expose the lies, disinformation and terrorism
victimizing innocent people and shielding the true perpetrators of the
crimes in Central Africa.
While we are led to believe that the perpetrators are those nasty
genocidaires, the extremist Hutus, their
Interahamwe militias, the
Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in Congo, and other undesirables, the primary responsible perpetrators are always protected. These are:
[1] Rwandan President Paul Kagame and the Rwandan Patriotic
Army/Front: the elite, extremist Tutsi network that has committed
massive atrocities and widespread terrorism in Central Africa as far
back as 1980, and primarily responsible for genocide, war crimes and
crimes against humanity in Rwanda (1990-present) and the Democratic
Republic of Congo (1996-present);
[2] Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and the Ugandan People's
Defense Forces (UPDF): the elite, extremist Hema networks operating out
of Uganda and the source of the RPA/F Tutsi networks, who together
perpetrated massive war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide,
in Uganda (1980-present), Rwanda (1990-1998) the DRC (1996-present);
[3] The backers, partners, allies and propagandists of the Kagame and
Museveni regimes who are from the United States, United Kingdom,
Canada, and Europe.
How do these terrorist networks maintain and spread their ideology and terrorism worldwide, even as into the United States?
ABOVE:
Map from the petroleum sector showing petroleum concessions
(green) under Lake Albert and in northern Uganda areas where the Ugandan
government has interned Acholi people in death cames, leading to one of
the greatest unacknowledged genocides of the current era, and the
Barrick Gold (Bau) concessions in Congo and Tanzania.
The Dehumanization of Hutu People
Any person of Rwandan, Ugandan or Burundian origin, no matter their
sex, age or ethnicity, or their civilian or military status, who has
sought asylum from or in any way annoyed the Government of Rwanda (GOR),
will be persecuted, subject to intimidation, arbitrary arrest, and
detention without trial, if not torture, forced labor, extrajudicial
execution, or being 'disappeared'.
Rwandans inside and outside Rwanda are accused of 'genocide' or
'complicity in genocide' through fabricated evidence, coerced
testimonies, bribery, and petty jealousies. There is no possibility of
any kind of fair trial procedure in Rwanda and no possibility of freely
investigating facts, or identifying and securing witnesses.
The categories 'extremist Hutu' and 'moderate Hutu', like the general
categories of 'Hutu' and 'Tutsi,' are complex and not easily negotiated
in the context of 'genocide', 'terrorism' and other violence in Rwanda
from 1990 to the present. The labels '
genocidaire' and '
Interahamwe'
are freely applied by the RPA/F regime to demonize anyone they see fit,
no matter the veracity or falseness of the claims against those they
accuse.
The GOR under the one-party control of Paul Kagame projects a shiny
veneer of tourism, development and 'entrepreneurism', but submerged
barely under the surface of this veneer there exists a climate of
absolute terror and there are profound ethnic divisions leading towards
war. We are beginning to see this more openly with the approach of the
2010 elections.
Rwanda (and Uganda) is run by a secretive criminal military
organization in parallel with formal government structures, responsible
for the systematic and intentional deaths of: scores of thousands of
persons in Rwanda from Oct 1, 1990 to April 5, 1994; hundreds of
thousands of persons in Rwanda from April 6, 1994 to December 31, 1995;
tens of thousands of persons in Rwanda between January 1, 1995 and
January 1, 2010; between 200,000 and 700,000 Rwandan refugees in DRC and
for the deaths of between 100,000 and 300,000 Burundian refugees in DRC
between September 1996 and September 1997; and millions of persons of
Rwandan, Congolese, Burundian and Ugandan origin in DRC between
September 1996 and the present day.
Language has also been manipulated for the dehumanization of all Hutu people. For example, the label '
Interahamwe'
has come to stand for 'extremist murderous Hutu militias' and has
usually been translated from Kinyarwanda to mean "those who attack
together." Yet President Paul Kagame and the RPA/F military-intelligence
apparatus applies this terminology to mean "anyone who is in opposition
to the Rwandan Patriotic Army/Front movement, its government, or its
elite clandestine networks," and in the case of Paul Kagame, even to
"anyone I don't like," and the labels '
Interahamwe' and
genocidaire
are used to dehumanize all Hutu people everywhere, just as the Jews
were dehumanized by National Socialism in Germany prior to and during
World War II. This has created the political, social and economic
conditions for the perpetration of genocide by the RPA/F government, and
its collaborators, and this dehumanization has been perpetuated through
the international mass media, human rights institutions, think tanks,
non-government organizations, and foreign governments everywhere.
ABOVE:
Hutu people in the DR Congo, as everywhere, have become the scapegoats
for the international organized crime and its white collar war
criminals, and their porxy agents, in Central Africa. This is the
dehumanization of innocent men, women and children, and even babies have
been massacred by the RPA in Rwanda and through the RPA's invaders in
Congo (RCD, CNDP) masquerading as Congolese. The FDLR -- Forces for the
Democratic Liberation of Rwanda -- are some of the most misunderstood
and legitimate fighters in Central Africa. Comprisd of soldiers who fled
the murderous US -RPA coup d'etat, these people are not Central
Africa's nightmare, as they are everywhere portrayed. War is peace.
Victims are klillers, teh supposed killers are the victims.
The dehumanization of all Hutu people, and the persecution of anyone
in opposition to the RPA/F, was supported as early as 1988 by certain
international 'legal' and 'human rights' institutions working as
clandestine agents and/or accomplices to the RPA/F agenda.
The terms '
genocidaire' and 'Interahamwe' are meaningless due
to the constituency and fluidity of these terms. For example, the
President of the Interahamwe, presented to the world as an extremist
Hutu killing organization, was Robert Kajuga, a Tutsi businessman.
Similarly, the treasurer of the Interahamwe was Dieudonne Niyitegaka, a
Hutu businessman resettled in Canada in reward for his collaboration to
accuse and frame other Hutus with 'genocide'. The RPA/F had infiltrated
and controlled the Interahamwe, and this renders the terminology, and
its ideological force, meaningless.
The criminal parallel structure behind the Rwandan government has
been identified by numerous experts and investigations, including more
than seven United Nations Panels of Experts between 2000 and 2009;
the high court indictments of Spain
and France
; the exhaustive analyses by eminent Rwandan experts, including Dr. Filip Reyntjens
; the work of investigative journalists like Charles Onana, Wayne Madsen and myself
;
the Michael Hourigan report assessing blame for the presidential
assassinations of April 6, 1994; the Robert Gersony report documenting
RPF/A atrocities against tens of thousands of Rwandans in Rwanda in
1994; the Helmut Strizek report to the ICTR titled
Discredit the Hutu Population Forever;
ICTR defense attorneys Chris Black, Peter Erlinder, John Philpot, Phil
Taylor and others; the McKinney hearings; and research by academics; and
by many credible sources, human rights documents, testimonies and other
examples in the public record.
Even Tutsis--the supposed victims (of the supposed Hutu
conspiracy)--have been persecuted by the victorious and extremist RPA/F
Tutsi regime in Rwanda. We all know the standard story about 800,000 to
1.2 million Tutsis killed. Well, these numbers are wrong, and the
constituency of the dead is wrong. It cannot be denied that hundreds of
thousands of Tutis were killed in Rwanda, especially if we confine our
discussion to the 100 days of genocide from April 6 to July 1994.
Clearly, there is evidence of persecution and threats of persecution against Tutsis based on the established realities about
acts of genocide
committed by members of the Hutu ethnic group in Rwanda between April
6, 1994 and July 1994, and there has also been retaliatory violence,
post-1994, against Tutsis. However, there is substantial documentation
about the RPF/A regime killing Tutsis, because this elite Tutsi rebel
force did not trust any members of the Tutsi minority who stayed in
Rwanda after President Juvenal Habyarimana came to power in 1973:
Rwandan Tutsis were generally eliminated, internally displaced,
assassinated and/or forced to flee Rwanda.
The
Genodynamics Project of academic researchers Dr. Christian
Davenport and Dr. Alan Stam, both U.S. citizens, has seriously
challenged the Rwanda genocide mythology. Stam and Davenport were
labeled 'genocide deniers' by the mass media and the Tutsi expatriate
community after publishing their interim research on 'genocide' in
Rwanda and they are
persona non grata in Rwanda today.
ABOVE:
Pro-RPF propaganda in the New York Times Magazine takes many forms but
all leads to the dehumanization of the Hutu people en masse, and lays
the groundwork for the ongoing genocide against them.
There
is overwhelming evidence establishing that crimes defined, prosecuted
and/or punished as 'genocide' in Rwanda, whether before 1994, in 1994,
or after 1994, were for reasons other than ethnicity. The GOR itself
admits that both 'Tutsis and
moderate Hutus' were victims of the
violence in 1994. Thus while these acts of violence may constitute war
crimes, crimes against humanity, and other crimes--including
acts of genocide--the
allegation that Hutus were both the victims and the perpetrators of the
1994 violence does not on its face meet the specific intent required of
'genocide' as defined by the international Convention on the Prevention
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
The current regime is responsible for massive bloodshed against all
ethnic groups in Rwanda, and the façade is supported internationally due
to the economic, political and military interests at stake.
The International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR) also supported the
façade, as confirmed by Carla Del Ponte, the former Chief Prosecutor of
the ICTR, in her memoirs.
People accused of 'genocide' in Rwanda have been brought before the
so-called 'community-based' Gacaca tribunals repeatedly, compelled by
the GOR to revisit their cases until a guilty verdict is established;
many innocent civilians have been tried and retried until they were
found guilty. After one Gacaca tribunal found the accused persons
innocent the citizen judges fled for their lives, were captured,
returned to their Gacaca and 'compelled' to retry the case, and returned
a guilty verdict. Human rights experts have criticized the Gacaca
system as a mechanism of terror used to silence critics.
(Photo credit unknown.)
ABOVE:
The murderous Rwandan RPF-aligned military (RCD, CNDP, etc etc) are the
primary problem for eastern Congo, with Ugandan military (UPDF) a close
second, and with the Penntagon, and now AFFRICOM, behind them.
Apologists for the Regime
The London-based 'non-government organization' African Rights was
co-founded by Rakiya Omaar, a woman of Somali origin who has worked
since 1990-1991 as a paid agent of the RPA/F regime, always casting the
Hutus as perpetrators and Tutsis, and especially the RPA/F Tutsi
extremists, as the victims of the violence, creating a positive image
for the RPA/F.
African Rights has generated false accusations against Rwandans that
have led to their arrest and imprisonment and its 'human rights
investigations' have whitewashed the RPA/F terrorism. African Rights has
petitioned governments, the ICTR and other legal bodies, even Pope John
Paul II, and it spreads disinformation in international media (only to
happy to comply), and accused and secured the arrest and prosecution of
RPA/F 'dissidents'.
For example, African Rights helped frame Monsignor Augustin Misago, the
Bishop of Gikongoro, who was subsequently arrested and jailed in 1999,
but cleared by the Rwandan Court in 2000.
They have produced disinformation targeting Rwandan opposition in DRC
(used by ICTR prosecutors
).
A Rwandan agent working for African Rights for the past 8-10 years,
first in Kigali and then in Zambia, fled to seek asylum in Belgium in
February 2010. Felicien Bahizi recently testified in a court of law
(Scandinavia) about African Rights' clandestine ties to the RPA/F, the
falsification of documents and allegations used to accuse, indict and
imprison 'enemies' of the regime.
An extension of the RPA/F network into the 'human rights' sector,
African Rights is on the payroll of the RPA/F government, as evidenced
by a letter from Rakiya Omaar requesting payment of an "outstanding
$100,159" for their production of a propaganda book benefiting the
regime.
Rakiya Omaar works freely in Rwanda, where she has a special office.
There are other rights bodies and 'experts' on 'genocide in Rwanda'
who have protected the killers and criminalized the victims, including
the pro-RPA/F International Commission of Investigation on Human Rights
Violations in Rwanda Since October 1, 1990, early reports by Africa
Watch and Human Rights Watch, and others.
The 1993 International Commission of Inquiry [ICI] on Rwanda included
the Human Rights Watch expert on Rwanda, Alison Des Forges, and
Canadian law professor William Schabas, both of whom have provided
expert testimony used to convict Rwandans of genocide or related crimes,
and both have been discredited in law courts. Schabas has been one of
the U.S. government's witnesses of choice for hunting refugees
and travels free in Rwanda.
William Schabas and French human rights activist Jean Carbonare, both
members of the ICI, were amongst the first to apply the term 'genocide'
to Rwanda and against the Hutu government of Juvenal Habyarimana.
"On 22 January 1993, in a press statement published in Paris after
returning from Kigali [as a member of the ICI], they accused President
Habyarimana of having already committed Genocide against the Tutsis
under the pretext of the RPF war launched on 1 October 1990. In a
television broadcast with Bruno Masure on 28 January 1993, Jean
Carbonare was given the opportunity to repeat the accusation to an
audience of millions."
The ICTR has not prosecuted any suspects of the RPA/F, no matter the
evidence of crimes, including: the assassinations of the presidents of
Rwanda (Juvenal Habyarimana) and Burundi (Cyprien Ntaryamira), their
chiefs of staff, several aides, and the French pilots of the Dassault
Falcon 50 aircraft (a gift from French President Mitterand) on April 6,
1994, the pivotal event which sparked the 1994 genocide;
or the massive crimes described in the indictments issued by the judiciaries of France and Spain.
In December 2008, the Trial Chamber-1 at the ICTR acquitted the four
highest-ranking senior military officers of the former government army,
the
ex-Forces Armee Rwandaise (ex-FAR), including General Theoneste Bagosora (the supposed 'genocide mastermind'), of conspiracy to commit genocide.
In November, 2009, the Appeals Chambers of the ICTR acquitted Protais
Zigiranyirazo, brother-in-law of President Juvenal Habyarimana, of all
charges of 'genocide planning', following seven years of trial at the
ICTR, where the court found that the Prosecutor's evidence was explained
by normal military planning in the course of the four year Rwandan
civil war (1990-1994).
In November, 2009, the Appeals Chambers of the ICTR acquitted, and
ordered the immediate release of, Hormistas Nsengimana, charged with
genocide and crimes against humanity committed in Rwanda in 1994.
The above ICTR judgments destroy the 'conspiracy to commit genocide'
conspiracy universally charged to the former Hutu government and
responsible for the total dehumanization of Hutu people everywhere.
ABOVE: Kagame's comrades at the US Army's Fort Levenworth, Kansas, 1990.
Vigilante Journalism
The current regime in Rwanda is aggressively hunting down any
perceived threat, including dissidents, refugees, political opposition,
former soldiers of the Habyarimana government (ex-FAR) and former RPF/A,
regardless of ethnicity.
Goucher College (Md.) professor Dr. Leopold Munyakazi is one of their latest targets, falsely accused of being a
genocidaire merely
because he has been an outspoken critic of the regime. Dr. Munyakazi
was unjustly framed--in support of the RPA/F agenda to neutralize
him--by a short-lived
NBC News television program that sought to
gain high prime time ratings (read: corporate profits) by tracking down
and 'exposing' supposed
genocidaires. The program was titled THE
WANTED, and the morality of 'good versus evil' was subliminally
underscored by the choice of the show's commentator, Scott Tyler, an
ex-Navy Seal, who by moral implication embodies saintliness, while the
wanted man, Dr. Leopold Munyakazi, embodies the devil. The zealous
NBC News team acted as accuser, judge and jury against Dr. Munyakazi.
The U.S. Embassy in Kigali allegedly assisted the criminal RPA/F
regime in framing Dr. Munyakazi and, from August to December 2009, the
U.S. Embassy collaborated in the RPA/F campaign of intimidation,
bribery, detention and punishment of hundreds of people acquainted with
Dr. Munyakazi, in order to fabricate evidence and coerce witnesses
against him.
At Goucher College "a swirling retinue of about ten cameramen,
technicians, and professional interrogators" descended on Dr. Munyakazi
as he finished teaching a French class.
Leading the pack was NBC Producer Adam Ciralsky: when contacted by other journalists, Ciralsky hid behind
NBC's corporate PR department.
Prejudged by journalists and mass media, whether acting overzealously
or in collaboration with the RPA/F regime, Rwanda's critics, refugees
and survivors have been falsely accused and, through the mass media,
publicly branded as
genocidaires.
Just as the
NBC News television team targeted Dr. Leopold Munyakazi at Goucher College in February 2009, mass media sensationalism and
genocidaire branding to advance the criminal aims of the GOR has been used before.
In Laredo, Texas in 1998, Elizaphan Ntakirutimana, a Hutu pastor, was accosted by
New Yorker
magazine writer Philip Gourevitch, an RPA/F supporter and personal
friend of Paul Kagame, whose book was one of the earliest propaganda
tracts espousing the now entrenched narrative about Hutus (killers) v.
Tutsis (victims) and the so-called '100 days of genocide' in Rwanda.
Ntakirutimana was extradited, tried and cionvicted by the ICTR; his
story--sensationalized and fictionalized by Philip Gourevitch--was
published in the award-winning non-fiction' book whose title takes it's
name from a letter written by Pastor Elizaphan Ntakirutimana, but one
which Gourevitch misconstrued and criminalized.
ABOVE: More of Philip Gourevitch's pro-RPF propaganda in the The New Yorker
("The Life After," 4 May 2009) manufactures concepts of justice, if
problematic, at so-called "community-based" Gacaca tribunals in Rwandan
villages. Gourevitch is cranking out one-sided propaganda: see, e.g., The New Yorker: "The Arrest of Madame Agathe," March 2, 2010, and "The Mutsinzi report on the Rwandan Genocide," January 8, 2010.
The
British Broadcasting Corporation in 2006 publicly branded as
genocidaire Dr. Vincent Bajinya, a Hutu physician and U.K. citizen who lived and worked in London for years. Similar to the
NBC camera crew's unannounced confrontation with Dr. Leopold Munyakazi in Maryland, without any appointment or prior warning, a
BBC
team showed up on the street in London and shoved a television camera
in Dr. Bajinya's face and began interrogating him about his alleged role
as a 'mastermind' of the Rwandan Genocide.
Within days of the first
BBC report, the Dr. Vincent Bajinya
story was everywhere in the news and was combined with defamatory
stories branding three other Rwandan refugees (Charles Munyaneza,
Emmanuel Nteziryayo, and Celestin Ugirashebuja) supposedly 'hiding' in
the U.K. The
BBC framed all four refugees as 'Most Wanted'
criminals and 'masterminds' of 'genocide in Rwanda in 1994'. After
confronting Bajinya in London the
BBC team traveled to Rwanda
and, escorted by GOR agents, filmed the places and people who testified
on camera to the alleged crimes.
The four Rwandans were jailed for 28 months and the case was
supported by RPA/F intelligence agent Jean Bosco Mutangana, the head of
Rwanda's genocide fugitives tracking unit, who also turned up with the
NBC News crew and confronted the President of Goucher College (MD) and Dr. Leopold Munyakazi.
The City of Westminster Magistrates' Court ordered the extradition of
all four Rwandans but an appeals court on April 8, 2009, ruled that
there was no freedom or justice in Rwanda ordered their release.
,
Enemies of the State
Who are Paul Kagame and the RPA/F regime's 'enemies'?
Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu, Hutu,
opponent of the previous Hutu (Habyarimana) government, later the first
Prime Minister appointed by the RPF/A in 1994, who fled to exile 1995
after he challenged the RPF/A massacres of thousands of Hutu civilians
at Kibeho refugee camp in April 1995;
- Seth Sendashonga, Hutu, member of RPF/A, forced into exile
in Kenya, 1995, after challenging the Kibeho massacres, assassinated in
Kenya in 1998;
- Pierre Celestin Rwigema, Hutu, Prime minister (circa 1995-2000),
who fell out with the regime and went into exile in the US, and
afterwards he was accused on 'genocide' charges (because he owned a gun
in Kigali prior to 1994);
- Alfred Mukezamfura, Hutu, Speaker of Rwanda's National Assembly,
who fled Rwanda to exile in Belgium (2008-2009), and who was afterwards
accused of 'genocide', tried by the Gacaca courts in abstentia, and sentenced to 30 years in prison, who lives in exile, under the threat of an international arrest warrant issued by Kigali;
- Stanley Safari, Hutu, civil servant under the Habayrimana
government, who later became a Member of Parliament under the RPF
government, a position held until 2009, who was forced to flee Rwanda in
2009, and was subsequently tried in abstentia by the Gacaca
courts, on 'genocide' charges, and sentenced to 30 years in prison (Mr.
Safari, who currently resides in the U.S., is accused by Rwandans in
exile of denouncing innocent people who were subsequently imprisoned by
the Kagame regime, and sentenced to harsh prison terms, between 1994 and
2009);
- General Emmanuel Habyarimana, Hutu, ex-Forces Armee Rwandaise
(ex-FAR), the RPF/A Minister of Defense after 1994, now residing in
Switzerland, subject to threats of assassination to this day;
- Theobald Gabwaya Rwaka, Hutu, founder of the Rwandan League for
the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LIPRODHOR), Minister of the
Interior under the RPA/F, fled Rwanda April 2002, lives in the U.S.;
- Claudine Mazimpaka, Hutu, wife of Jean-Baptise Mberabahizi,
Hutu, Secretary General of Unified Democratic Forces (FDU) opposition
party, attacked in Belgium on October 24, 2009 by unidentified
assailants (presumed to be sent by Kagame;
- Joseph Ntawangundi, Hutu, aide to FDU opposition leader Victoire Ingabire, convicted in abstentia
by Gacaca courts in 2007, beaten and jailed on 'genocide' charges in
Kigali in February, 2010, after returning from exile to Rwanda in
January 2010, to register an opposition party for the national elections
of 2011; Mr. Ntawangundi was reportedly in Sweden (International
Federation of Trade Unions) during the 1994 genocide, and returned after
several months to Kenya, where he stayed in exile, and who remains in
prison in Rwanda today;
- Colonel Theoneste Lizinde, Hutu, FAR, Director General of Intelligence; imprisoned by the Habyarimana regime for an attempted coup d'etat;
freed from a Ruhengeri prison by the RPA in a military raid in 1992;
joined the RPA/F high military command: reportedly provided critical
information about Kigali International Airport for the April 6, 1994
attack on the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi. Fled to Zaire after
becoming disenchanted with the RPA/F (1994-1995): assassinated by the
RPA/F in Nairobi, 1995;
- Jean-Pierre Bizimana, Hutu, former RPF/A intelligence agent,
later the RPF government Minister of Education, most recently
(2009-2010) Ambassador to the Netherlands, fled Rwanda into exile in
late February 2010, after threats against him, allegedly due to his ties
to the Rwandan opposition FUD party, and who is at this time seeking
asylum in the Republic of Ireland;
- Victoire Ingabire, Hutu, leader of the FDU opposition party,
formerly exiled in Holland since 1994, threatened and attacked in Rwanda
after taking the opposition struggle back to Rwanda, under
investigation by the RPA/F for espousing 'genocide ideology' today
because she publicly raised questions about massacres of Hutus (and
Tutsis) in Rwanda;
- Joseph Sebarinzi, Tutsi, went into exile from Rwanda in 1979,
returned to Rwanda under the Habyarimana government prior to 1990, but
fled to Burundi in 1994, and returned to Rwanda after July 1994 to
become Speaker of the National Assembly under the RPF/A government, and
then fled (circa 2000) Rwanda after falling out of favor with the Kagame
regime, and is now a United States citizen accused by the Kagame regime
of treason for supporting the 1959 King of Rwanda;
- Col. Balthazar Ndengeyinka, Hutu, member of the RPF/A, in exile in Switzerland after falling out with the Kagame regime;
- General Kayumba Nyamwasa, Tutsi, RPF/A commander, more recently
the Rwandan Ambassador to India (2001-2010), who was indicted by the
Spanish Court (February 2009) ,
along with 40 other top RPF/A military officials, for war crimes,
crimes against humanity and genocide, and was indicted by the French
Court (December 2006),
along with nine other RPF officials, for his participation in double
presidential assassinations of April 6, 1994, who fled Rwanda to exile
in Uganda in late February 2010, and escaped the Rwandan
military-intelligence networks to exile in South Africa on March 2,
2010;
- Journalist Godwin Agaba, previously imprisoned for
courageous reporting from inside Rwanda, who was forced into hiding in
early March 2010 and is on the run for his life, with an arrest warrant
issued by the kagame regime;
- Madame Agathe Habyarimana, Hutu wife of the assassinated
President Juvenal Habayrimana, who tops Rwanda's 'most wanted' list,
falsely accused and arrested in Paris on March 2, 2010, the day after
President Sarkozy made a deal with Kagame in Kigali;
- The many other Hutu victims of the unjust ICTR court and the Kagame regime it protects.
(Photo credit unknown.)
ABOVE:
Military strategist Kagame with his junior officer Hypolitte Kanambe,
alias Joseph Kabila, now President of the DRC, behind him, circa 1995,
in the RPA in Rwanda--before the RPA and UPDF marched across Congo
murdering inncoent Hutu men, women and children by the hundreds of
thousands.
Since
August 2009 the Kagame regime has been intimidating, bribing and
forcing 'witnesses' to fabricate evidence of Dr. Munyakazi's guilt in
order to attempt to substantiate these charges and convince the U.S. and
public opinion that there are grounds for Dr. Munyakazi's extradition.
Some 200-300 people have been terrorized by the RPA/F regime in order to
compel witness testimonies out of fear, and to frame Dr. Leopold
Munyakazi.
In 2002, two of Dr. Munyakazi's children were threatened and forced
to flee to Europe where they were granted refugee status. In 2006 Dr.
Munyakazi's wife fled to the United States and applied for asylum after
being threatened with imprisonment by local Rwandan authorities and
blamed with "being married to a Hutu Interahamwe" because she refused to
give false testimonies against the former neighbors of the Munyakazis.
Between October and December 2006, three children of Dr. Munyakazi were
systematically harassed and terrified, often through unannounced middle
of the night visits, by the RPF/A Directorate of Military Intelligence
and Local Defense Force agents; the family members fled to Uganda.
On August 3rd 2009, the chairperson of the Gacaca tribunal in Dr.
Munyakazi's native area reportedly confirmed that a dozen persons were
put in jail because they had refused to give false accusations against
Dr. Munyakazi. On September 2, 2009, she again informed Dr. Munyakazi
that some 200 people had their cases revised before the Gacaca tribunal
mainly to get a 'legal reason' to incarcerate them. From October 12-30,
2009, the Gacaca tribunal condemned 15 of these people to lengthy prison
terms based on these fabricated crimes.
In seeking to fabricate evidence and extort or coerce testimonies
against Dr. Leopold Munyakazi, the GOR has reportedly forced hundreds
(minimum) of civilians from their homes in Dr. Leopold Munyakazi's
native and neighboring areas (Gitarama Prefecture), taken them to
Kigali, and 'interviewed' them inside the U.S. Embassy, and with the
collaboration of U.S. Embassy officials. Many refused to testify against
Dr. Munyakazi and were subsequently, while some have accepted bribes to
testify against Dr. Munyakazi, and some have later changed their minds
when threatened with being brought before a Gacaca court on charges of
'complicity in genocide', while others have had their Gacaca hearings
're-done,' with the understanding that no one is innocent, on penalty of
violence from the GOR.
When Victims Become Killers
One of the latest pro-RPA/F vigilante refugee hunters on the Rwanda '
genocidaire'
trail is Jason Stearns, a former U.N. (MONUC) and International Crises
Group 'analyst' (the ICG and its clone groups ENOUGH and Raise Hope for
Congo are front for the U.S. National Security apparatus funded by the
Center for American Progress).
Stearns also worked on several U.N. panels of experts on the illegal
exploitation in the DR Congo, including the U.N. 'experts' report of
November 2009, which launched a smear campaign against Fundacio S'Olivar
and Inshuti, Spanish charities affiliated with Juan Carrero Seralegui,
Jordi Palou-Loverdos (named on Rwanda's 'Hit List' above) and Joan
Casoliva Barcons,
accusing
them of backing terrorists in Congo. (A key 'confidential source' for
the U.N. Panel of Experts [sic] has been the RPA/F front group African
Rights: the November 'experts' report was fed information through RPA/F
agents Theodore Nyilinkawaya in Brussels and Rakiya Omaar in Kigali. It
appears that African Rights has maintained a tight connection to
previous U.N. Panel of Expert's as well.) This is the U.N.'s failed
attempt to discredit the Spanish indictments against the RPA/F.,
Working out of Yale University grad school, Stearns has been zealously gunning for Rwandans connected to the
Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda
(FDLR), an organization also targeted on Rwanda's 'Hit List' (above)
and Kagame's disingenuous excuse, over and over, for RPA/F terrorism in
DRC. "For an excellent review of the FDLR Diaspora," Stearns wrote,
citing the RPA/F front African Rights, "see Rakiya Omaar's recent
report: '
The end in sight?'"
The Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR)--until 2000
known as the Army for the Liberation of Rwanda (ALIR)--are not the evil
genocidaires respondible for every war crime in Central Africa, as they
are billed by western flak organizations like ENOUGH, Raise Hope for
Congo, the U.N. panels of experts, Jason Stearns and their benefactors
in the Kagame muilitary regime. FDLR include
ex-FAR soldiers forced out of Rwanda during the illegal RPA/F invasion and
coup d'etat. Being in the losing side does not automatically make these soldiers
genocidaires
or war criminals: their cuilpability in war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide is far less evident than the culpability of the
RPA/F regime. So-called "FDLR" in Congo also include innocent women and
children who have been subject to war crimes by the RPA/F and its
factions (RCD, CNDP, etc.) and their artners, including the FARDC, and
the United Nations Observers Mission for DR Congo (MONUC). To add insult
to injury, the organized crime networks of the Kagame government, and
even Canadian BANRO Ciorporation (illegally occupying and terrorizing
South Kivu) have alliances and realtyionships with FDLR and other Hutu
groups in eastern Congo.
The criminalized
genocidaire
label of 'FDLR' offers the ready made sound bite utilized by the media,
by white skinned propagandists like Nicholas Kristof and Jeffrey
Gettleman, by actorvists like Ben Affleck and George Clooney, and by
western institutions like the United Nations, and US Government, to
whitewash their own involvement in criminal exploitation of one stripe
or another. The ultimate goal is western corporatte control achieved
with through such supposedly 'progressive' legislation as the U.S.
Congress bills in Blood Minerals. The situation with the Lord's
resistance Army--the scapegoat for which to excuse President Yoweri
Museveni--and the LRA Disarmanent Act is identical, but different, but
only to serve wetsren militarization and expropriation of African
people's lives and lands and loves.
U.N. 'expert' Jason Stearns
never mentions the western corporations, intelligence agents or U.S.
officials involved in the Great Lakes plunder. Instead, Stearns is on
crusade against Dr. Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro and Dr. Felicien
Kanyamibwa, two Rwandan intellectuals living in the U.S.A. named as
leaders or former leaders of the FDLR. Stearns has lobbied the U.S.
State Department to arrest and charge the Rwandan opposition leaders, by
any means necessary, to "get them for material support to a terrorist
organization" or "for having committed fraud on their immigration
documents."
Dr. Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro was director of the Rwandan Information
Office (ORINOFOR) under the Habyarimana government: Dr. Higiro was a
member of the MDR (
Mouvement Démocratique Républicain), a
political party opposed to the Habyarimana regime. He is one of very few
intellectuals left alive with an insider's understanding of the
genocide propaganda leading up to April 6, 1994, and what scares the
U.S. and their RPA/F proxy is his understanding of the genocidal media
of the RPA/F.
Dr. Higiro's daughter was born in the USA, and Dr. Higiro and his
family were evacuated from Rwanda to Burundi by the U.S. Embassy on
April 9, 1994, was flown on a U.S. military Hercules C-130 to Nairobi
(the USAF billed him for the flight). He was appointed Minister of
Information to the RPF/A government on July 19, 1994, the day he flew to
the U.S. He declined to return after reports of the RPF/A's
"unmistakable patterns of killings" of scores of thousands of Hutus.
,
Dr. Higiro has lived under constant threats and accusations--and
assumptions of his 'complicity in genocide'--to the present day,
teaching at Western New England College in Springfield, Ma, a U.S.
citizen since 2000. A photo that Dr. Higiro (his child in his arms) sent
to his aged father in Rwanda was confiscated when African Rights
investigators intimidated Dr. Higiro's father at his home village in
Rushaki, Rwanda; the photo identifies Dr. Higiro (one of the FDLR
terrorists) in an African Rights document authored by Rakiya Omaar.
Dr. Felicien Kanyamibwa left Rwanda in 1991 and was a Ph.D student in
the U.S. in 1994. Funneled disinformation from African Rights, the
Rwandan state media accused him of being a Hutu 'hardliner' tied to the
Interahamwe and ex-FAR, casting him as a
genocidaire.
Dr. Kanyamibwa lives in New Jersey. As with most Rwandans being hunted
by the RPA/F, the Department of Homeland Security is constantly
harassing him.
The
Christian Science Monitor has also been practicing vigilante journalism for the RPA/F through Max Delany and Scott Baldauf.
The
CSM
advances U.S. State propaganda through the International Crises Group
intelligence agents John Prendergast, former National Security Council
under William Jefferson Clinton, and Guillaume Lacaille, former U.N.
Political Affairs Officer and U.S. Embassy Attaché, and they protect
western corporations plundering eastern Congo (Banro Resources, Cabot,
Moto Gold, Anglo-Ashanti, etc.). Of course, the U.S. military's AFRICOM
is all over Central Africa, backing, training and funding the RPA/F and
UPDF, building bases in Rwanda, Uganda, Congo and South Sudan, and force
missions are run by the Pentagon's Special Operations Command--SOCOM:
covert operations, death squads, snatch-and-grab black ops,
psychological warfare, other terrorism of the kind that first brought
the RPA/F to power.
Max Delany is working on a hit piece about Dr. Higiro and Dr.
Kanyamibwa, expected to appear on April 6, 2010--the anniversary of the
'plane crash' [sic] that sparked the '100 days of genocide' [sic]. "I
hope that North America will do something about the FDLR leaders on
their soil too," the
CSM quotes the ICG's Lacaille to say. "Because when you go against the [Hutu]
genocidaires of 1994, you are doing it because of justice. When you go against someone like Ignace Murwanashyaka"
--or Dr. Higiro, or Dr. Munyakazi--"it's not only justice, it's about security in the Democratic Republic of Congo."
The end to impunity for war and terrorism in Central Africa begins
with the arrest of the 40 extremist Tutsi RPA/F war criminals indicted
by the Spanish court, and with the arrest and indictment of His
Excellency, Paul Kagame, the man they call 'the Butcher of Kigali'--one
of AFRICOM's leading men in Central Africa.
ABOVE:
The Reagan, G.H.W. Bush, Clinton and G.W. Bush administrations all
supported war crimes and genocide in Central Africa by backing the
guerrila warfare of Yoweri Museveni (now President in Uganda) and his
National Resistance Army/Movement and then Paul Kagame (Museveni's
former Director of Military Intelligence) and the Rwandan Patriotic
Army/Front in Rwanda. (Photo credit: some photographer serving the propaganda system.)
______________
Footnotes:
Scott Baldauf, "Rwanda Rebel Leaders: US, French, Spanish and Congo Business Links,"
Christian Science Monitor, December 2, 2009(
Written by: keith harmon snow
Photography Credits: keith harmon snow
M23,
so-called "rebels," is very much a conventional army and rained
artillery fire to clear a path towards Goma, according to media reports.
Why the suddenly escalation of fighting by M23, a violent
fully-equipped army, which the United Nations in the group of experts'
report says is actually under the total command of Rwanda's defense
minister Gen. James Kabarebe. After an interim report by the UN group of
experts earlier this summer accused Rwanda and Uganda of recruiting,
backing, arming, training, and providing sanctuary for M23, both Kigali
and Kampala denied the findings. The U.S. shortly after announced cut in
some aid to Rwanda and an Obama administration official, 
Ntaganda
receives "direct military orders from RDF Chief of Defense Staff
General Charles Kayonga, who in turn acts on instructions from Minster
of Defense General James Kabarebe" says the report. RDF is a reference
to Rwanda Defense Forces. The report says a Rwandan general, Emmanuel
Ruvusha, manages military ground support for M23, while Permanent
Secretary in the Defense Ministry, Gen. Jacques Nziza, provides
strategic advice and oversees logistical support. The Black Star News sent
a written inquiry to the United States Mission to the United Nations
asking, in light of the flare-up of fighting by M23 and the UN report,
whether Washington would call for sanctions on the Rwandan and Ugandan
officials named in the report. Kathleen Herrera, a spokesperson at the
US Mission did not respond to the questions by publication deadline,
after providing an email address where to submit the questions. 
the kongolese people have no friend for they survival only the God creater of the world
all nation of the world many of them are against kongo is wealth God willing kongo will succeed. thanks pierre