Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch



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Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch Blog. Our objective is to promote the institutions of democracy,social justice,Human Rights,Peace, Freedom of Expression, and Respect to humanity in Rwanda,Uganda,DR Congo, Burundi,Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya,Ethiopia, and Somalia. We strongly believe that Africa will develop if only our presidents stop being rulers of men and become leaders of citizens. We support Breaking the Silence Campaign for DR Congo since we believe the democracy in Rwanda means peace in DRC. Follow this link to learn more about the origin of the war in both Rwanda and DR Congo:http://www.rwandadocumentsproject.net/gsdl/cgi-bin/library


Showing posts with label IVORY COAST OUATTARA ALASSANE. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IVORY COAST OUATTARA ALASSANE. Show all posts

Sunday, April 3, 2011

International Community Must Pull Côte d’Ivoire from the Abyss

Alassane Ouattara, the former Prime Minister o...Image via Wikipedia

INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP - NEW MEDIA RELEASE

Brussels, 3 April 2011: Mass killings and extreme violence are unfolding in Abidjan. Côte d’Ivoire’s civil war between forces supporting president elect Alassane Ouattara and those loyal to Laurent Gbagbo has deteriorated into major urban warfare in the commercial capital. In other parts of the country, particularly in the western city of Duékoué, where large-scale massacres have already occurred, the death toll could reach thousands within days. Gbagbo has now called for full military mobilisation to protect his palace and other key installations as a last-stand effort.
The situation demands an immediate ceasefire by both parties to avoid further massive civilian casualties, and Gbagbo’s acceptance of Ouattara as president. Gbagbo, who lost the presidential election in November, bears primary responsibility for bringing the country, and the West African region, to the abyss by not accepting the results of the polls and choosing to fight instead. At the same time, forces loyal to Ouattara, who have rapidly taken ground across Côte d’Ivoire in recent days amidst credible reports of atrocities, must accept that their military campaign has to end now.
In addition, the following steps should be taken:
  • The UN mission (ONUCI) must deploy all its available formed police units (FPUs) within Abidjan, as well as military troops, and reinforce its presence in the west of the country, particularly in and around Duékoué, Guiglo, Blolequin, Toulepleu and Daloa. Troop contributing countries should also accelerate deployment of soldiers up to their maximum mandated capacity of 11,000 (as opposed to 9,000 on the ground now).
  • The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union should mobilise all international partners, including the EU and the US, to bolster ONUCI’s efforts.
  • Ouattara, the Forces républicaines and its commanders, including Prime Minister Guillaume Soro and their regional sponsors, should take all measures to ensure respect for international humanitarian law. They should understand that international support for Ouattara’s election victory, and his legitimacy, will quickly evaporate if their military campaign becomes responsible for mass atrocity crimes.
The situation in Côte d’Ivoire is as urgent as any facing the international community right now. The unthinkable is unfolding before our eyes, and in a region where the world has invested so much in peace and security in recent years. Action must be bold, effective and immediate.

Visit our website: http://www.crisisgroup.org
Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 536 0071
Kimberly Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1602
To contact Crisis Group media please click here
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Thursday, January 6, 2011

Côte d'Ivoire : le dilemme onusien

Laurent Gbagbo, Président de la République (Cô...Image via Wikipedia
Publie par Radio Canada

Quand l'ONU et la communauté internationale n'interviennent pas énergiquement pour stopper les massacres au Darfour ou en République démocratique du Congo, on les accuse de négligence. De se désintéresser de ces victimes parce qu'elles sont africaines, noires et pauvres.

En Côte d'Ivoire, l'ONU et la communauté internationale ont jusqu'ici adopté une position très ferme. Du jamais vu en Afrique. C'est la première fois de son histoire que l'ONU ose s'ingérer dans une élection nationale pour décréter un gagnant.

Cette fois-ci, on l'accuse de néo-colonialisme. Il faudrait laisser « les Africains régler cette crise africaine ». « Damned if you do, damned if you don't. » Traduction boiteuse : quoi que l'ONU fasse en Afrique, elle a toujours tort.

L'interventionnisme musclé de l'ONU en Côte d'Ivoire indique-t-il une nouvelle tendance, une nouvelle intolérance envers ces chefs d'État, nombreux partout dans le monde, à tripoter les règles électorales pour s'accrocher au pouvoir? Ou la crise ivoirienne est-elle un cas à part?

Une première onusienne

Le président contesté de la Côte d'Ivoire, Laurent Gbagbo, doit se lever tous les matins depuis un mois en se demandant : « Pourquoi moi? » Il doit se demander pourquoi l'ONU a décidé de contester la réélection de l'homme fort d'Abidjan et qu'elle ne conteste pas les réélections, tout aussi contestables, d'Omar El-Béchir au Soudan, en avril, et de Paul Kagame au Rwanda, qui a été réélu avec 93 % des suffrages en août.

L'ONU a-t-elle dénoncé ces scrutins, jugés comme des simulacres d'exercices démocratiques par de nombreux observateurs internationaux? Non, sans doute parce que la Chine, qui exploite le pétrole soudanais, protège le régime de Khartoum. Le président soudanais est pourtant poursuivi par le Tribunal pénal international pour des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l'humanité au Darfour.

Au Rwanda, l'ONU et les diplomaties occidentales protègent encore l'homme fort de Kigali, par culpabilité pour leur inaction durant le génocide. Pourtant, le régime de Paul Kagame est soupçonné par l'ONU de crimes génocidaires en RDC.

D'où vient donc cette soudaine fermeté onusienne envers un chef d'État réélu de façon contestable? La crise ivoirienne présente de nombreux précédents. C'était la première fois que l'ONU avait le mandat de non seulement surveiller le bon déroulement d'une élection, mais d'en certifier les résultats.

En confirmant le verdict de la Commission électorale indépendante, qui donne Alassane Ouattara gagnant avec 54 % des suffrages, l'ONU s'ingérait pour la première fois de son histoire dans une bataille électorale nationale.

C'est aussi la première fois que le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU adopte une résolution qui confirme la victoire d'un candidat d'une élection présidentielle en Afrique. Depuis, la communauté internationale agit comme si cette résolution onusienne avait préséance sur la loi du pays.

Selon la loi ivoirienne, c'est le Conseil constitutionnel qui confirme l'élection d'un président. Ce Conseil a donné son aval à Laurent Gbagbo. Cela ne rend pas son élection plus légitime, mais l'ONU peut-elle ne pas respecter la loi suprême d'un pays?

Débat autour de la suprématie onusienne

On appelle cela le droit d'ingérence. Plusieurs chancelleries, Bernard Kouchner en tête, se battent depuis des années pour que l'ONU ose aller plus loin dans la défense des droits de l'homme, quitte à passer au-dessus des têtes d'États qui violent ces droits, quand ils ne tuent pas carrément leurs populations. La Côte d'Ivoire est-elle un cas qui justifie le droit d'ingérence?

Bon nombre d'intellectuels, artistes et écrivains africains, qu'on ne peut pas soupçonner de partisanerie, commencent à s'opposer à une intervention plus musclée de l'ONU ou à une intervention militaire de la Communauté économique des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest (CEDEAO).

« [Dans les faubourgs d'Abidjan], on préfère d'expérience les mauvaises élections aux guerres civiles bien réussies. Mieux vaut encore Bokassa et Mobutu que les drames du Liberia ou de la Sierra Leone! La bête humaine s'habitue à l'enfer du despotisme, certainement pas aux massacres à la rwandaise! », écrit dans Le Monde l'écrivain guinéen Tierno Monénembo, Prix Renaudot 2008.

« Nous ne soutenons pas Laurent Gbagbo, poursuit-il, nous ne contestons pas non plus l'élection d'Alassane Ouatarra. Nous disons simplement que [...] l'ONU n'a pas à décider qui est élu et qui ne l'est pas à la tête d'un pays. Le faisant, elle outrepasse ses droits [...] au point que derrière le langage feutré de ses diplomates, on distingue des bruits de bottes coloniales. »

Les dangers de l'intervention armée

Voilà pourquoi l'ONU aura de la difficulté à aller au bout de sa logique, comme le lui demande le camp Ouattara, de plus en plus impatient d'assumer le pouvoir. Forcer le départ de Laurent Gbagbo avec les tanks blancs des forces de la paix serait franchir une frontière dangereuse.

Le mandat des Casques bleus est d'imposer la paix, et non de provoquer la guerre. Or, une intervention militaire extérieure, qu'elle vienne de l'ONU ou de la CEDEAO, risquerait d'allumer l'étincelle de la violence qui couve depuis le 28 novembre.

C'est peut-être le plus étonnant dans cette crise. Les médias du monde entier répètent, à chaque jour depuis un mois, que la situation à Abidjan est tendue et explosive. Or, les deux camps ennemis ont jusqu'ici réussi l'impensable : éviter l'affrontement armé tant redouté.
Peut-être parce que les Ivoiriens ne sont pas descendus dans les rues, ni d'un côté ni de l'autre.

Alassane Ouattara et Laurent Gbagbo savent que les Ivoiriens n'embarqueront pas dans une autre guerre civile. Il faudra bien qu'ils acceptent un jour de se parler. L'ONU tente ces jours-ci de provoquer cette rencontre. Mais Laurent Gbagbo refuse de prendre l'appel de Barack Obama.

Regardez les reportages de Sophie Langlois sur notre page
« International »

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Tuesday, January 4, 2011

Ivory Coast crisis: Gbagbo to negotiate 'peaceful' end

From BBC
Ivory Coast's Laurent Gbagbo has agreed to negotiate a "peaceful end" to his country's crisis without preconditions, regional leaders say.
Ouattara supporters in Abidjan, 3 JanThe chairman of the Ecowas regional group said Mr Gbagbo had also agreed to immediately lift the blockade around the temporary headquarters of his presidential rival Alassane Ouattara.
The UN regards Mr Ouattara the winner of November elections but Mr Gbagbo, the incumbent, refused to cede power.
Ecowas has threatened to force him out.
The BBC's John James in Ivory Coast's business capital, Abidjan, says it is important not to over-emphasise the importance of Mr Gbagbo's statement.
Mr Gbagbo has given no indication he is willing to step down, our correspondent says.
Mr Ouattara, who is holed up in a hotel protected by UN peacekeepers, has said he is willing to talk, as long as the internationally agreed election results are accepted by Mr Gbagbo.
Presidential visits The chairman of the Ecowas Commission, James Victor Gbeho, said after an extraordinary session of members in Abuja, Nigeria: "Laurent Gbagbo agreed to negotiate a peaceful end to the crisis without any preconditions.

Analysis

Laurent Gbagbo is a skilled political player, nicknamed the "baker" for his ability "roll his opponents in the flour". Here again, he appears to be getting positive headlines for being willing to negotiate, and negative ones for his opponent who is refusing to negotiate unless Mr Gbagbo admits he lost.
But between the lines there seems to be very little being given away and Mr Gbagbo does not appear open to the idea of leaving the presidential palace. On the same day he called for a peaceful resolution to the crisis, his soldiers attacked the headquarters of the PDCI opposition party which supports Mr Ouattara. The Ecowas chairman, James Victor Gbeho, admitted afterwards that this was only a slight glimmer of hope and that the prospect of military intervention is still an option if talks fail.
"He also pledged to immediately lift the blockade around Hotel du Golf, the temporary headquarters of Mr Alassane Ouattara, the president-elect.
"On his part, Mr Alassane Ouattara indicated his willingness to ensure a dignified exit for Mr Gbagbo provided the latter accepted the outcome of the presidential election as declared by the independent electoral commission and certified by the United Nations."
The statement followed a visit to Ivory Coast by Presidents Boni Yayi of Benin, Pedro Pires of Cape Verde and Ernest Bai Koroma of Sierra Leone - representing Ecowas (Economic Community of West African States).
It was their second trip to Abidjan in less that a week. On Monday they were joined by Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga, representing the African Union (AU).
Mr Odinga said he had told Mr Gbagbo that power-sharing was not an option and would "actually hamper the democratisation process on the continent".
The latest Ecowas statement called for another joint delegation to visit Ivory Coast "as soon as possible" and called on both sides in Ivory Coast to "refrain from any acts liable to aggravate the already critical situation".
Although Ecowas said the military option was still on the table, some doubt the region's willingness to carry out its threat given the unpredictable response of the Ivorian army, which publicly continues to support Mr Gbagbo.
Mr Gbeho said: "We are aware of the dangers in the force option, particularly in a country... where almost all citizens and ethnic groups of our Ecowas region are represented, and so it is an option that must be used with a lot of circumspection."
President Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria had earlier described the situation as a "stalemate", adding: "Don't expect that if there's a major crisis in a country that we just jump in... and the matter is resolved."
The 28 November election was intended to reunify the country - the world's leading cocoa producer - which has been divided since a 2002 conflict.
Mr Ouattara was initially proclaimed the winner by the country's election commission - a verdict backed by the UN, which helped organise the poll.
But the Constitutional Council, headed by an ally of Mr Gbagbo, later ruled that he had won, citing voting irregularities in the north of the country.
The north is controlled by the New Forces, a former rebel movement that supports Mr Ouattara.
Both men have been sworn in as president.
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Monday, January 3, 2011

'No compromise' as mediators tell Gbagbo to step down A United Nations patrol on the streets of Abidjan

AFP/Citizenside By RFI
A United Nations patrol on the streets of Abidjan
African Union mediator and Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga arrived Monday in Côte d'Ivoire to repeat demands that definant leader Laurent Gbagbo cede power to rival Alassane Ouattara. After Gbagbo failed to heed a 1 January deadline to transfer power peacefully, military commanders continue to finalise plans for his forceful removal.
Odinga will be joined in Abidjan by three regional presidents, Benin's Boni Yayi, Sierra Leone's Ernest Koroma and Cape Verde's Pedro Pires. They represent the 15-nation Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas).
A member of the delegation has said that "there is no point of negotiation" and that the bloc's position has not changed.
Observers say that that amnesty and exile deals will be discussed, but in his New Year message Gbagbo reiterated his belief that he is the rightfully elected president.
“Since last week’s meeting the tone has softened considerably,” said RFI correspondent Marco Chown Oved, from Abidjan.
Chown said that there are splits among African leaders: Some, such as ECOWAS head and Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan, believe that only diplomacy should be used to resolve the situation, while others, such as Kenya's Odinga, are opposed to power sharing deals that have proven difficult in the past and provide poor precedents for the future of African democracy.
“But between this hesitation and a full military intervention is a lot of ground to cover,” added Oved.
Meanwhile, a United Nations official investigating alleged abuses says that while a campaign of terror by Gbagbo’s supporters has apparently calmed, he has evidence of extra-judicial killings.
Simon Munzu, the head of UN's human rights division, said that his staff had verified claims of murder, with other reports pending verification.
Gbagbo supporters have twice prevented peacekeepers from visiting the site of an alleged mass grave.
The UN is also investigating reports that doors have been marked to indicate the ethnic status of inhabitants, in what some fear could be the prelude to a civil war divided along ethnic lines.
The weekend passed, without the storming of the Golf Hotel, where Ouattara has been staying.
Charles Ble Goude, the Youth Minister, said that he had been asked to “postpone our plan" to attack the hotel.
He added that he wanted to give negotiations more time to succeed, but warned that he would renew his calls to storm the hotel if Côte d'Ivoire is attacked.
The UN said that up to 500 refugees are fleeing to Liberia each day, with the total already nearing 20,000. The majority of asylum seekers are under 18 years of age and supplies are already running low.
Côte d'Ivoire is the world’s largest cocoa grower, accounting for 33 percent of the world’s output and a quarter of all exports for sub-Saharan Africa’s seventh-biggest economy.
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Saturday, January 1, 2011

EU approves visa bans on 59 Ivoirians linked to Gbagbo

EU approves visa bans on 59 Ivoirians linked to Gbagbo

Blé Goudé, Gbagbo's minister of youth and employment and president of the Young Patriots, is on the EU visa sanction list
Photo: Reuters/Thierry Gouegnon
By RFI
The European Union approved sanctions Friday against 59 people linked to Côte d'Ivoire’s incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo, who is defying global demands to step down after contested presidential elections at the end of November

Those targeted will not be granted EU visas, a diplomat told the AFP news agency.
Thirty-two men and women who are part of Gbagbo’s “illegitimate government” are on the list, as are six members of the Constitutional council who participated in the “validation of false results.
Also on the list are the head of the army, the head of the port of Abidjan, newspaper editors, and the presidents of groups accused of inciting hatred and violence.
Two other people who were on the list were removed after they acknowledged the authority of Gbagbo’s rival, Alassane Ouattara, who is recognised by most other countries as the President of Côte d'Ivoire.
A first series of European sanctions were put in place last week, with visa bans on 19 people, including on Gbagbo himself and his wife.
The latest sanctions come as Ouattara has given Gbagbo a midnight deadline to leave power, without specifying the consequences.
If Gbagbo quits before the start of the New Year, he will "have no worries", said Ouattara's prime minister Guillaume Soro.
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Hague says UK would back use of force to oust regime

By Kim Sengupta, Diplomatic Correspondent
Saturday, 1 January 2011


Alassane Ouattara, the former Prime Minister o...Image via Wikipedia
Britain would back the United Nations using force to remove Laurent Gbagbo from power in the Ivory Coast and had sent a military liaison officer to play a part in coordinating any future operations in the country, William Hague said yesterday.
The Foreign Secretary added: "We are a long way here from discussing British forces being deployed." But he said a UN sanctioned armed intervention might be the only realistic option to ensure that Mr Gbagbo steps aside for Alassane Ouattara, who is regarded by the international community as having won recent national elections in the West African state.
Asked on BBC Radio 4's Today programme if the UK would support such action, Mr Hague replied: "Yes, in principle. They would be well advised to seek the authority of the United Nations to do that and we would be supportive of that at the UN. We are a long way here from discussing British forces being deployed. We have deployed a military liaison officer to the country to work on various contingencies with the French, but I'm not raising the possibility today of British forces being deployed."
The Foreign Office later announced that Britain no longer recognised Philippe Djangone-Bi, Mr Gbagbo's ambassador, as Ivory Coast's representative, and would seek "to recognise the appointee of President Alassane Ouattara in the usual manner".
The early days of Tony Blair's premiership were marked by "wars of liberal intervention", of which Sierra Leone, another West African country, became the most potent symbol. Similar interventions took place in East Timor and on a larger scale in Kosovo. Mr Blair remains a hero to many in these places, but critics hold that these conflicts paved the way to the UK's involvement in the US-led invasion of Iraq.
With a force of more than 9,000 deployed in Afghanistan there is unlikely to be any appetite for the Cameron government dispatching troops to Ivory Coast. The French may be part of an international mission in their former colony.
The bulk of such a force, however, is expected to consist of troops from neighbouring countries which have warned Mr Gbagbo that they will step in unless he stands down.
Ivory Coast's official bank accounts overseas have been frozen and Mr Hague said: "He [Mr Gbagbo] will run out of money. His power relies on control of the army. He will run out of money in the next few weeks and that means his power will come to an end.
"He should not underestimate the determination of the international community that the will of the people of that country should be recognised.
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Gbagbo, Ouattara Ignore Deadlines

From the Voice of America

Photo: ASSOCIATED PRESS
UN troops walk inside the UN Headquarters in Abidjan, Ivory Cost, Friday, Dec. 31, 2010. The United Nations is warning supporters of incumbent leader Laurent Gbagbo that an attack on the hotel where the internationally recognized winner of last month's election is based could re-ignite civil war. (AP Photo/Sunday Alamba)

 

Political stalemate continues in Ivory Coast, where the two rival presidents are each ignoring deadlines set by the other side to step down.

A youth leader for incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo has given rival president Alassane Ouattara until Saturday to leave Abidjan, and called for Gbagbo's supporters to seize the hotel where Mr. Ouattara has been holed up for weeks.

However, the Associated Press reports that no Gbagbo supporters had shown up at the hotel by mid-day, and that Mr. Ouattara remained on the premises.

Earlier, Mr. Gbagbo ignored a demand to leave power by midnight Friday from Mr. Ouattara's prime minister, Guillaume Soro.

In a nationally-televised speech late Friday, Mr. Gbagbo said he would remain in office, and accused world leaders of mounting a coup to remove him.

Both Mr. Gbagbo and Mr. Ouattara say they won a November presidential runoff vote.  The United Nations, African Union, and other world powers say Mr. Ouattara was the winner, and have recognized him as president.

The international community has put increasing pressure on Mr. Gbagbo to give up power.  On Friday, the European Union said it has approved travel sanctions against 59 people linked to the incumbent.

A Nigerian military official said the west African regional bloc ECOWAS has discussed using force to remove Mr. Gbagbo if negotiations fail.  The bloc has a standby force of 6,500 soldiers that could used.

Mr. Gbagbo has ruled Ivory Coast since 2000, though he lost control of the country's north in a 2002 civil war.  His term officially ended in 2005, but he remained in power through repeated election delays.

This year's presidential election was meant to reunite the country.  Instead, the current dispute has raised fears Ivory Coast could be headed back to civil war.
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Thursday, December 30, 2010

COTE D'IVOIRE: Beyond the law on land disputes

Members of IRC-supported peace committee that intervenes in land disputes in Baibly, western Cote d'Ivoire
MAN, 27 January 2010 (IRIN) - In Côte d’Ivoire land disputes – fuelled by the 2002 rebellion and subsequent fighting – have yet to be resolved legislatively, leaving communities to seek their own solutions.

Conflict forced hundreds of thousands of people from their homes, among them Ivorian citizens and immigrant farmers who fled plantations in the west where many of them had held customary land access rights.

Many of the displaced who have recently tried to return to their farms have found their land occupied by others, according to officials in Man, 450km west of the capital, Abidjan.

Now access to cocoa and coffee plantations – long a source of inter-ethnic tensions in the country – is at the heart of unrest in the west, particularly as more people return, say workers with the International Rescue Committee (IRC), which has an office in Man.

Little-used law

A 1998 law that might have helped resolve disputes – vetoing verbal land agreements, converting customary rights to formal deeds and providing a conflict resolution framework – is little-known and little-used, experts say.

Most residents in the west have never heard of the law or have no idea how to apply it, Man magistrate Kroman Lahassani told IRIN.

Fewer than half of adults in Côte d’Ivoire can read and write so cannot read the document, he noted.

“It [the law] is still applicable and it abrogates other laws, but so far no one has come forward with a case,” he said.

Instead, land agreements are still predominantly verbal or noted down with the help of a village chief, or people enter into temporary pacts, according to UN Special Representative to the Secretary-General in Côte d’Ivoire, Georg Charpentier.

Local solutions

Civil society activists say the law is not yet effective on a practical level so they are helping villagers resolve land disputes in other ways.

IRC runs peace-building committees in 65 villages in the 18 Montagnes region.


Photo: Anna Jefferys/IRIN
Baibly peace committee also spreads awareness on respect for human rights
One such village is Baibly, which was split in two in 2002, with immigrants forced to live on one side and native Ivorians on the other.

Since 2004 a peace committee has been set up, its members going house-to-house to resolve land tenure disputes, implement joint building projects and discuss human rights. Not a single member has heard of the 1998 land law.

“People from everywhere live here now,” said Burkinabe resident Daouda Coulibaly. “Ivorians, Burkinabe, Guineans, Malians, we all live together.”

Tensions persist between natives and immigrants and land conflicts are still villagers’ main worry, but since the committee formed these disputes have abated, said committee member Nguessan Allissialine.

Peace committee members said they remain concerned about a trend in which youths sell land without their parents’ knowledge.

When disputes in such cases arise, the committee will mediate, along with the village chief and, if need be, the gendarmerie, Coulibaly told IRIN.

Such efforts, though on a small scale, are vital to keep the peace, said Charpentier.

“Though [land tenure is] a mini-problem in comparison to say, Somalia – with just a few thousand people involved – it is very complex and will have to be solved,” he said.

Next steps

The government could soon begin to educate the population about the existing law. While administrative and security tasks in the west are still split between former rebels and the state, the Justice Ministry was reinstated in Man in late 2009 and is building up its team of magistrates, Lahassani told IRIN.

Given deadlines set in the 1998 law, it is important to educate the public now, he said. “If people don’t officially administer land sales with a magistrate and get a decree, then the land will pass over to government in several years’ time – few [people] know this,” Lahassani said.

Charpentier noted that much-needed land reform can be effective and sustainable only once a new government is in power and state administration is in place across Côte d’Ivoire.

Presidential elections have been scheduled then canceled several times since the 2007 signing of the Ouagadougou peace accord.

aj/np Theme (s): Conflict, Economy, Environment, Food Security, Governance, Human Rights, Migration, Refugees/IDPs,
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
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COTE D'IVOIRE: Back to square one?

Ivoirian refugees queue to register in Loguatu in Liberia
LOGUATU, LIBERIA, 30 December 2010 (IRIN) - NGOs working in northeastern Liberia say many of the 30,000 refugees arriving from neighbouring Côte d’Ivoire are reporting widespread violence and intimidation from both Ivoirian government troops and soldiers from the former rebel Forces Nouvelles operating in the west.

Speaking from the Liberian capital Monrovia, the head of the Liberia-based NGO, Equip Liberia, David Waines, said the initial refugee flow had been quite small, with 70-100 Ivoirians a day crossing over in the immediate aftermath of the 28 November presidential run-off election.

Waines said refugee numbers went up dramatically as the Ivoirian political crisis worsened, with Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara both laying claim to the presidency and Gbagbo refusing to yield to international pressure to step down. According to Waines, the exodus began in earnest on 17 December, the day after the abortive march by Ouattara supporters on the state TV centre Radiodiffusion Télévision Ivoirienne (RTI) and the most serious episodes of violence in Abidjan, and that at least 1,000 Ivoirians a day had been coming into Liberia since.

“We have about 17,000 refugees registered and probably a total of about 30,000.” Waines told IRIN. He pointed out that formal registration was a long process and many of the new arrivals had not yet been fully documented. The Liberian government anticipates at least 100,000 refugees coming in.

In Loguatu on the eastern Liberian border, refugees queued to register with the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) teams, who are working to clear a backlog of Ivoirians who arrived several days ago as well as receive those newly entering.

More on Côte d’Ivoire
 Countdown to deadlock
 Bridging the aid gap post-conflict
 Beyond the law on land disputes
 Children selling sex, having babies
 On-hold aid projects set to resume
Bohou Basile Doueu, 35, said he had walked with his two wives for a day from his hometown of Beatro. “Information reached us that Gbagbo will not allow Ouattara to take up his post and we are scared that this will cause widespread fighting,” he told IRIN. “The situation is very confused.”

Like Doueu, the majority of refugees IRIN spoke with said they had not witnessed violence themselves but were scared of civil war breaking out if the situation continued. However, some talked of being directly threatened and seeing people attacked. Djontan Sangaré, 17, who arrived two weeks ago with her mother and grandmother from Toulepleu on the western border of Côte d'Ivoire, said she had seen people being beaten up and that the family received threats. “We are for Ouattara and they are against that in the area we come from,” she said. “We were scared we would be hurt by Gbagbo supporters.”

Many of those leaving Ivoirian territory have ethnic ties with communities across the border and are leaving towns and villages that were badly affected by earlier conflicts, notably serious outbreaks of fighting in 2002 when the Ivoirian civil war hit the west.

More aid needed

In Kissiplay, a village close to Loguatu, locals said they were sheltering refugees and providing them food ,but that houses were becoming saturated with up to 20 people sleeping in each room.

Villagers said there were more than 900 refugees in the settlement compared to 600 locals and this was causing food and water shortages. Refugees told IRIN that many women and children were fleeing alone, leaving male family members to monitor the situation. Many of those who had walked across are pregnant or suffering from malnutrition.

Relief organizations working on the ground are calling for more resources so as to provide adequate shelter, water and medical supplies. Equip Liberia has been active in Nimba County for the past 25 years. “We have 23 clinics in Nimba and 65 percent of those coming in for treatment are Ivoirian," Waines told IRIN. He confirmed that 65 percent of the refugees were under 18, with a large presence of women and young children.

Noting that there had so far been few cases of acute malnutrition, Waines warned of the need to control malaria and to provide proper treatment for women in childbirth. He praised the response of the Liberian host community. “I am amazed at how hospitable, accommodating and welcoming the Liberians have been."

UNHCR Resident Representative in Liberia Ibrahim Coly said relief efforts were being stepped up.

“Registration is ongoing and this is the first step," Coly told IRIN in Monrovia. "We are giving health assistance, supplying water and sanitation and non-food items such as blankets and lamps as well as protection to the refugees."

Coly said the provision of food aid had also been taken into account. "We have not started food assistance yet. WFP [UN World Food Programme] should be receiving five metric tons of food today which we hope to distribute soon."

Noting the strain on Liberians adapting to the refugee influx, Coly said more help would be at hand. "Assistance will be expanded to local communities too because they are already limited in resources. We are trying to boost their facilities by providing water, for example, and healthcare."

While the UNHCR had signaled earlier that it wanted to avoid setting up camps, Coly said UNHCR was now pursuing that option.

"We hope to get clearance from the government to open a refugee camp in Nimba County to take the strain off the local communities and to make the refugees easier to reach. We are confronted with a problem of logistics because the roads are bad and it takes time to reach the refugees. The camp would reduce this burden."

Coly said that agencies were already beginning to mobilize funding.

"We have UNHCR funds but we have agreed in meetings that we need to make a joint appeal and we will be discussing this with the regional offices and launch as soon as possible. Once we have launched the appeal and get more funding, we can hire more staff and buy more equipment."


Photo: Sarah Birke/IRIN
UNHCR workers register Ivoirians arriving in Nimba County, Liberia
Equip Liberia's Waines said it was likely the refugee movements would continue, with whole villages arriving. He said the scale and organization of the population movements being witnessed showed how frightened people had become, their fears triggered by reports of killings and abductions both in Abidjan and closer to home.

“Once they realize their necks are on the chopping block the whole village comes over," he said. “You might have 70-80 households that have crossed over en masse.”

Death squads

While acknowledging his information came from refugees, Waines said it was clear from reports coming from western Côte d’Ivoire that there had been serious outbreaks of violence in the border areas. “There has been a lot death squad activity. We hear about it; different villages, different incidents. We have got a serious mobilization and no conventional military options, just a dirty, nasty `slaughter the civilians option’ which they are exercising."

Waines said there was strong evidence of large-scale recruitment of Liberian nationals, with ex-combatants from the former Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) joining pro-Ggagbo Ivoirian units. The national army officially backs Gbagbo. Waines said soldiers formerly with Charles Taylor’s National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) were also crossing into Côte d’Ivoire, along with other mercenaries.

Waines said the refugees arriving in Liberia’s northwestern county of Nimba were mainly from the Yacouba ethnic group, often seen as part of Alassane Ouattara’s support base, fleeing areas where Gbagbo supporters are in the majority. But he also noted a movement of Guéré, normally Gbabgo supporters, fleeing from areas where they are in the minority. Waines said there had been complaints from refugees of extortion and harassment from armed forces on both sides.

Seventeen border crossings

Veit Vogel, head of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) in Côte d’Ivoire, but currently in Liberia, said it was not easy to get a clear picture of the make-up of the refugees or the reasons behind their migration west, pointing out that there are 17 border crossings between Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia. “It is difficult to get confirmed information from the regions people are moving from. The people who are right now crossing the border are from both camps and they move for different reasons. Many move as a pre-emptive measure. Others have very concrete reports of violence and harassment."

The UNHCR has expressed strong concern at reports of FAFN troops barring access to the Côte d’Ivoire-Liberia border crossing at Gbeinta, thereby forcing refugees to go on difficult detour, another 80km south to reach another point of entry. The UNHCR has appealed for the protection of civilians and their right to “exile without obstruction”. The FAFN has also faced accusations of sending personnel into Liberian territory to try to persuade refugees to go back.

The former rebel Forces Nouvelles (FN) have denied blocking the border, highlighting instead significant population movements from government-held towns in the west, including Bloléquin, Toulepleu, Guiglo, Zouan-hounien and Bin-houé, into Forces Nouvelles-held territory.

Gbagbo’s Minister of Interior, Emile Guiriéoulou, has argued the reverse, pointing to a major flight of people out of Forces Nouvelles areas into government strongholds like Duékoué.

Contested region

Reports from the west indicate that many of the refugees are leaving a stretch of territory south of the FN-held town of Danané in Côte d’Ivoire’s far-western 18 Montagnes region. This is an area with a long history of refugee movements, with thousands of Liberians moving to Danané during that country’s conflict. In common with neighbouring Moyen Cavally, it was also the scene of fierce fighting in 2002, notably after rebels, including Liberian elements, attacked government positions in the west in one of the bloodiest chapters of the Ivoirian civil war.

The establishment in 2003 of a ‘Zone de Confiance’, Zone of Confidence, running 600km east to west, patrolled by UN and French forces, was meant to provide a buffer between government and FAFN troops. This arrangement officially ended after the signing of the Ouagadougou Peace Accords in March 2007. But problems remained. Long-running land disputes have exacerbated inter-communal tensions, while a UN-backed disarmament campaign struggled to win the support of pro-Ggagbo militia fighters.

There were widespread fears that the west, often seen as the most volatile, contested region of Côte d’Ivoire, would erupt in violence before or during the elections. But visiting the region between the first and second rounds of voting, Vogel said it looked initially as if the concerns had been exaggerated. ”Tensions were high, suspicions were high, but there weren’t really many inter-communal clashes." He said that community leaders in some areas had gone out of their way to defuse potential problems and he hoped their initiatives would have a lasting impact.

As in other parts of Côte d’Ivoire, in the face of security concerns and access problems, international NGOs have had to scale down their activities in the west and warn of a lack of independent information while making do with unconfirmed reports and rumours.

Partition

A senior relief official with operations in FN territory said the long-standing partition of Côte D’Ivoire had been reinforced by the political breakdown in Abidjan. The country remains divided into areas administered by the state (still controlled by Gbagbo, despite Ouattara, the internationally recognized president having set up a government) and what was known in the past as the Centre-Nord-Ouest (CNO), where FN is in control.

The CNO covers a vast amount of territory, with very different landscapes and prospects. In the centre-north city of Bouaké, still very much the FN’s capital, a Ouattara supporter said markets were full of agricultural produce; the surplus was there because the same fruits and vegetables were not being sent south to Abidjan, part of a blockade campaign, but he acknowledged that the slow-down of trade had led to shortages and price increases in soap and other items.

Speaking from Korhogo farther north, a local NGO representative said there were serious worries about the long-term economic impact of the division, noting a major drop in vehicles going to Abidjan and much less produce coming north. There were also warnings of a return to a dependency culture, “with people always holding out their hand”, as long-term development projects were shelved “and we go back to square one”. International NGOs have also noted the switch from early recovery to humanitarian planning, waiting on evaluation studies and security briefs to see where they can operate safely.

“The situation has deteriorated to an extent where most NGOs and the UN have decided to evacuate international staff," Vogel pointed out. He noted that in the current climate, with anti-UN feelings running high, there were obvious dangers of ordinary NGOs being identified by hostile demonstrators as part of an enemy presence.

NRC curtails its activities

While NRC has nominally handed over activities to national staff, field missions are suspended for now and there is at best a minimal presence in field offices in areas like Bouaké and Duekoué. Transport strikes and other problems impede workers’ access to the office in Abidjan.

Vogel also noted the cumulative problems for staff of rising food prices, political uncertainty and outbreaks of violence in their home areas. “There is this whole insecurity that nobody knows where the country is heading to that causes a lot of stress”.

Vogel said the de facto suspension of NRC’s activities was extremely frustrating. “This is not like a video where you can switch on and switch off and keep watching it." He said educational programmes were now threatened by the closure of the schools targeted by NRC, while the organization’s work on inter-community land issues required a major investment of time. “Mediation around land issues was the focus of this year and next year. You are not going to resolve this kind of problem overnight. There is a lot of talking, a lot of building trust. But if it continues like this, all that we have done previously could be lost."
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