Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch



Welcome to
Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch Blog. Our objective is to promote the institutions of democracy,social justice,Human Rights,Peace, Freedom of Expression, and Respect to humanity in Rwanda,Uganda,DR Congo, Burundi,Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya,Ethiopia, and Somalia. We strongly believe that Africa will develop if only our presidents stop being rulers of men and become leaders of citizens. We support Breaking the Silence Campaign for DR Congo since we believe the democracy in Rwanda means peace in DRC. Follow this link to learn more about the origin of the war in both Rwanda and DR Congo:http://www.rwandadocumentsproject.net/gsdl/cgi-bin/library


Showing posts with label RWANDA DEMOCRACY TODAY. Show all posts
Showing posts with label RWANDA DEMOCRACY TODAY. Show all posts

Monday, June 27, 2011

President Habyarimana protected Tutsis between October 1990 and April 1994 as much as he could

Peter Erlinder, the American lawyer that Paul Kagame, president of Rwanda, imprisoned for three weeks in Kigali on May 28, 2010 has unveiled not well known truth about the prevailing political and security context of Rwanda prior to April 1994 in an article titled The UN Security Council ad hoc Rwanda tribunal: international justice or judicially-constructed “victor’s impunity”?]. The document was published in the De Paul Journal of Social Justice in the fall of 2010. It reveals some facts significantly worth highlighting, particularly for those that RPF propaganda has lied to for years. Among those lies one is about the former president Habyarimana and his regime’s relationship with Tutsis inside Rwanda particularly during the RPF guerrilla war which lasted almost three years and half, from October 1, 2010 to July 4, 1994.
Habyarimana Juvenal, the Rwandan President 1973-1994
Despite the troubled and war time that the country experienced between October 1, 1990, date of RPF invasion of Rwanda from Uganda, and the day he died on April 6, 1994, President Habyarimana demonstrated a humanity towards Tutsis inside Rwanda that RPF would not dare to credit him for, because this would deprive Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda, of claiming that he has been their saviour. Having said that, Robert Flatten, U.S. Ambassador to Rwanda who was in Kigali during most of the RPF guerrilla war, paints a portrait of Habyarimana’s security measures which significantly limited the impact of the war on Tutsis while he was still alive:
“…leaders from all sides have begun to realize the more terrifying implications of an RPF march to Kigali. No matter how many Hutus the RPF may have representing it, it is perceived in Rwanda as an essentially Tutsi organisation. Should this group break through to Kigali, all the fears of the Hutu majority of again being subjected to slavery or feudal vassalage will be resurfaced. When threatened with the restoration of the feudal system, the Hutus on the collines (hills) will begin to eliminate their Tutsi neighbours. When this happened in 1990….Habyarimana sent an army unit to stop it. When it happened in Bugesera in March 1992, the Gendarmes eventually arrived to encourage the restoration of calm. This was done with an administration and communications in place, neither of which would be the case should Kigali fall to the RPF.”
The assassination on April 6, 1994 of the two Presidents, Habyarimana of Rwanda and Ntaryamira of Burundi, when the aeroplane they were travelling in was shot down while attempting to land at Kanombe airport, was interpreted in many Rwandans’ understanding as the fall of Kigali in the hands of the attacker of the country – the Rwandan Patriotic Front of Paul Kagame. Ultimately Robert Flatten’s predictions became reality: Hutus on hills fearing a restoration of the feudal system and being subjected again to slavery, began eliminating their Tutsi neighbours.
The same way there is nothing like experience, as well there is nothing like bad experience. It is usually said that we learn from our past. But when it’s from an inconvenient one, our learning becomes unfortunate for those who turn into its victims. Peter Erlinder explains:
“The former Rwandan Tutsi aristocracy faced discrimination as foreigners in Uganda, and many of the children of the displaced Rwandan-Tutsi aristocracy (including a teenage Paul Kagame) threw their lot in with the National Resistance Army (NRA) of Yoweri Museveni, who led armed rebellion against the elected government of President Milton Obote that took some 500,000 lives between 1981 and 1986, particularly in the Luwero Triangle.”
Early 1994, the CIA Kigali desk predicted that between 300,000 and 500,000 lives would perish if President Habyarimana was killed. Such predictions were apparently based on the prevailing political and security situation in Rwanda and the whole region. The main supporting factor was particularly the impact of the assassination in October 1993 by Tutsi military extremists of the ever first Hutu President who had been democratically elected in neighbouring sister country of Burundi.
They had done it in the Triangle of Luwero a few years before. And as a consequence Yoweri Museveni got into power in 1986. If with a similar scenario of getting a near close number of casualties, they could get this time power in Rwanda, what could stop them? Paul Kagame and his RPF rebel movement played their cards and got the expected reward: leading the country since July 4, 1994. Now, they and their U.S. and U.K. friends have worked hard since to blame Hutus for most of the killings which occurred starting from the RPF’s invasion of Rwanda from Uganda. But truth and time are catching with the liars.
No one contests the occurrence of the Rwandan genocide. The only cloud remains around the narrative of Kigali about what happened and how events unfolded. The Rwandan government’s story has only so far served to protect its promoters from being prosecuted. On October 2009 the conclusion of the three judges’ panel at the ICTR in Militarly-I 98-41-T cleared of any conspiracy to commit genocide the four most sought after and supposedly master-minders. The judges’ conclusion implies that there are the real planners of the Rwandan genocide out there who are still enjoying impunity.
The 500,000 lives which were killed in the Luwero Triangle between 1981 and 1986 seem to have gone down in history without any justice since President Joweri Museveni of Uganda who was leading the NRA rebel at the time has today spent 25 years in power benefiting from total impunity. The UN Mapping Report has made some dent in Kagame’s impunity about his numerous crimes since his time in Uganda as Chief Intelligence. However, there is a long way to go to make him accountable for his whole responsibility in the Rwandan genocide and many other crimes which characterise his personality. It is ironic how those among leaders in the Great Lakes who behaved humanly ended up and the criminals who got the upper hand. Evil has so far triumphed against good. Let’s hope for the better.

Saturday, May 7, 2011

State Department War Crimes Chief Stephen Rapp’s cover-up of U.S. War Crimes in Rwanda Genocide

Daya Gamage – Foreign News Desk Asian Tribune Washington, DC. 29April
 
The April 28 report in The New York Times captioned ‘American Lawyer is Barred from Rwanda Tribunal Work’ caught the eye of this Online Daily’s Foreign News Desk which informed the readers that Peter Erlinder, a law professor in an American university, has been barred by the UN from working at the international tribunal for Rwanda based in the Tanzanian city of Arusha. He refused to travel to Arusa for fear of his life.
He said that he is a target of the Rwandan government and has even received threats while on lecture tours in the U.S.
Prof. Erlinder charges the current Paul Kahame regime of Rwanda of targeted assassinations of those who were accusing the Rwandan leader of genocide - 1990 through 1994 - in which one million people were killed. He and others who have given a long list of victims in many worldwide cities attributed those assassinations to the current Rwandan leadership of Paul Kagame.
One of the mysterious deaths known to the Asian Tribune network was a UN professional who worked to unearth the evidence of the Rwandan genocide – a Sri Lankan Shyamlal Rajapaksa who happened to be a first cousin of the present president of Sri Lanka Mahinda Rajapaksa. His killing in August 2009 in the Tanzanian city of Arusha where the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was headquartered is still a mystery.
Professor Peter Erlinder has come out with an array of evidence and interpretations of the direct culpability of the current Rwandan president Paul Kagame in the Rwandan genocide, how he and his colleagues were given military training in the U.S., how Kagame as the head of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a proxy force of the Pentagon according to Erlinder, invaded Rwanda to unleash a genocide with tacit approval of the United States, and in the following years how the United States took covert and overt steps to cover up its involvement in the Rwandan mass massacre.
It is here that Ambassador-at Large Stephen Rapp’s name emerge. Mr. Rapp is currently the head of the Office of War Crimes Issues of the U.S. Department of State, and in his previous position as the chief prosecutor of the Rwandan genocide, according to Peter Elinder, and many other investigators, Mr. Rapp was one of the main who was involved in the cover up of US involvement in the Rwandan Genocide.
The Asian Tribune readers may recall that Stephen Rapp in his capacity as the State Department’s War Crimes Issues chief who prepared and released a document in October 2009 with ambiguous evidence which accused Sri Lanka of violating international humanitarian laws during the final (Jan-May 2009) stage of the battle with separatist/terrorist Tamil Tigers (LTTE).
In October 1990, the Ugandan army and the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF) led by Major General Paul Kagame invaded Rwanda. The guerrillas who violated international laws and committed massive war crimes were backed by Britain, Belgium, the United States and Israel, according to many investigators and researchers. By July 1994, the RPF completed its coup d'etat and consolidated its power in Rwanda.
On April 6, 1994, the governments of Rwanda and Burundi were decapitated when the plane carrying the two presidents and top military staff was shot down over Kigali, Rwanda's capital. The well-planned assassinations of Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira sparked a massive escalation of warfare that is falsely portrayed as the result of meaningless tribal savagery. These assassinations were major war crimes, and the RPF and UPDF were responsible, but almost every attempt to honestly investigate the double presidential assassinations has been blocked by the U.S. and its allies.
A frequent contributor to a think tank called Global Research, Prof. Elinder outlined the United States endeavor in the cover up of its own culpability in the Rwandan genocide.
He wrote: “The July 9, 2009 New York Times reported that the Obama administration had selected Stephen Rapp to replace the Bush administration Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes, Pierre Prosper. Rapp began his international career at the UN Security Council Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 2001, while Carla Del Ponte was Chief Rwanda Prosecutor. Rapp’s nomination just a few months after Del Ponte’s of her memoir of her years as Chief UN Prosecutor, Madam Prosecutor: Confronting Humanity’s Worst Criminals and the Culture of Impunity was published in English.
“Del Ponte’s book describes in detail the systematic U.S.-initiated cover-up of crimes by the current Rwandan government, a U.S. ally, committed during the Rwanda Genocide, and how she was removed from her ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) position in 2003 by U.S. Ambassador Prosper, himself, when she refused to cooperate with the U.S.-initiated “cover-up.”
According to Del Ponte, her ICTR Office had the evidence to prosecute Kagame for “touching-off” the Rwanda Genocide by ordering the assassination of Rwanda’s former President Juvenal, Habyarimana, long before 2003. She also details the dozens of massacre sites, involving thousands of victims, for which the current Rwandan President, Paul Kagame and his military, should be prosecuted. The well-publicized canard, that “the identity of the assassins of Habyarimana is unknown” is a bald-faced lie, well -known by ICTR Prosecutors, according to Ms. Del Ponte, writes Prof. Elinder in Global Research.
Two years after Del Ponte was removed from office, Stephen Rapp became “Chief” of ICTR Prosecutions with access to all of the evidence known to Ms. Del Ponte, and more that has been made public in the past few years. During his four years at the ICTR, Rapp like Del Ponte, also was in a position to prosecute Kagame and members of the current government of Rwanda but, not ONE member of Kagame’s military has been prosecuted at the ICTR, to date…and the “cover-up” revealed by Del Ponte, continues today. And, unlike, Ms. Del Ponte, who was fired by the U.S., Mr. Rapp was first rewarded with an appointment as Chief Prosecutor at the U.S.-funded Sierra Leone Tribunal and now, a coveted ambassadorship by the Obama administration as the chief of the Office of War Crimes Issues at the State Department.
Mr. Rapp, for reasons known and unknown to the Asian Tribune, used ambiguous and conflicting information and data to accuse Sri Lanka of violating International Humanitarian Laws (IHL) in a report released to the US Congress in October 2009.
Former Chief ICTR Prosecutor Del Ponte Details War Crimes “Cover-up”
According to Del Ponte, in May 2003 she was called to Washington D.C. by Prosper (ironically, also a former ICTR prosecutor with knowledge of Kagame’s crimes) who informed her that the U.S. would remove her UN post, if she carried through with her publicly announced plans to indict Kagame and members of his government and military. According to Del Ponte, when she refused to knuckle-under because “she worked for the UN, - not for the U.S” Prosper told her ICTR career was over. In October Del Ponte was replaced by a US-approved ICTR prosecutor, Hassan Abubacar Jallow, who elevated Rapp to “Chief of Prosecution” two years later.
ICTR Trials: More Evidence of Rwanda Crimes Cover-Up
Del Ponte’s revelations are not the only evidence that a U.S.-initiated “war crimes cover-up” at the ICTR is creating impunity for crimes committed by the Kagame and his military. On September 10, 1994 memo in evidence in the ICTR Military-1 Trial confirms that U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher was informed that Kagame’s troops were killing “10,000 civilians a month” in military-style, according to an investigation funded by US Agency for International Development (USAID). And, as early as January 1997, a team made up of Chief ICTR Investigative Prosecutor and former Australian Crown Prosecutor Michael Hourigan; former FBI Agent James Lyons; and former UN-Chief of Military Intelligence in Rwanda, Amadou Deme; reported Louise Arbour, Ms. Del Ponte’s predecessor, that Kagame should be prosecuted for assassinating the previous president. Arbour scuttled the investigation, suppressed the report and disbanded the investigative team.
Shortly, thereafter, Arbour was elevated to Canada’s Supreme Court and has sunsequently been chosen to head the International Crisis Group.
Louise Arbour as the head of the International Crisis Group released a report in May 2010 accusing Sri Lanka of war crimes said: “Evidence gathered by the International Crisis Group suggests that these months saw tens of thousands of Tamil civilian men, women, children and the elderly killed, countless more wounded, and hundreds of thousands deprived of adequate food and medical care, resulting in more deaths. This evidence also provides reasonable grounds to believe the Sri Lankan security forces committed war crimes with top government and military leaders potentially responsible.”
Former ICTR Prosecutor Rapp Complicit in Cover-up
But, even though Arbour suppressed the “Hourigan Report,” Del Ponte, Rapp and other ICTR prosecutors certainly knew about it, because ICTR judges had ordered Del Ponte’s Office to release the “Hourigan report” to a defense team as early as the year 2000, a year before Rapp began his ICTR work, and three years before Del Ponte was fired by Prosper.
Prof. Peter Elinder says “But….to date, not one indictment has been issued against Kagame by the ICTR Prosecutor.”
Consequences of the ICTR Cover-up of Kagame’s Crimes
The tragic consequence of the failure to prosecute Kagame at the ICTR, from 1994 to date, is that Kagame has been free to invade the Congo in 1996 and 1998, and to occupy part of the eastern Congo many-times larger than Rwanda, to this day. No less than four UN Security Council-commissioned Panel of Experts Report(s) on the Illegal Exploitation of the DR Congo (2001, 2002, 2003 and December 2008) have detailed the massive rape of the Congo’s resources that has brought vast riches to Kagame and his inner circle.
While Rapp was ICTR Senior Trial Attorney in 2003, Kagame was effectively elected President-for-Life with 95% of the vote, after banning opposition parties and jailing opponents, in “a climate of intimidation” according to EU observers.
“Chief of Prosecutions” Rapp Withheld Exculpatory Evidence
In February 2009, the ICTR issued its Judgment the Military-1 case, that main case at the ICTR, in which Mr. Rapp personally appeared for the Prosecution. Although massive violence did occur in Rwanda, the court certainly recognized that blaming only one side WAS a falsehood, when it acquitted all of the “architects of the killing machine” (as Mr. Rapp called the defendants in court) of conspiracy or planning to kill civilians. The highest ranking military-officer was acquitted of all charges.
And, although it is now clear from Ms. Del Ponte’s memoirs that Mr. Rapp had the evidence to clear the ICTR defendants of the assassination charges and only the losing side has been blamed for all crimes committed in Rwanda in 1994. Simply put, Mr. Rapp and other ICTR prosecutors have withheld evidence that would be beneficial to the defense, contrary to Tribunal Rules; have prosecuted defendants for crimes they knew were committed by Kagame’s forces; and, have created a system of “judicial impunity” that has permitted Kagame to kill millions in the eastern Congo.
It is in this context that Prof. Peter Elinder writing to Global Security questioned President Obama’s wisdom in appointing Stephen Rapp as the head of the Office of War Crimes Issue at the State Department in this manner: “This “inconvenient-African-truth,” raises an uncomfortable question regarding President Obama’s nomination of Mr. Rapp, in the first place: Are Obama and his advisors ignorant of the public record regarding Rapp’s complicity in the ICTR Cover-up….or do they just not give a damn?”
The U.S. Culpability in Rwanda Genocide
Aimable Mugara in a piece to OpEdNews put it this way: “In 1990, General Kagame who was the Chief of Military Intelligence of Uganda and head of the Rwandan Patriotic Forces (RPF) led a violent invasion of Rwanda from Uganda, with the approval and support (financial, military and political) of the United States government. This violent war changed the landscape of that region forever. By landscape, I also mean the number of mass graves that dot every of inch of that region now. The two final years of President Bush the father, during which his American government supported the murderous gang of General Kagame and Yoweri Museveni resulted in the deaths of many innocent Rwandan and Ugandan civilians. During those two years, there are thousands who lost their lives at the hands of General Kagame's soldiers and Yoweri Museveni's soldiers. But this was nothing compared to the more than 6 millions of civilians that would later die under Bill Clinton's 8 year reign, with American money, American weapons and American political support.”
In a September 30, 2010 New York Times article titled ‘Dispute Over U.N. Report Evokes Rwandan Déjà Vu’, it is mentioned how in the fall of 1994, a United Nations investigation discovered that General Kagame's forces had killed tens of thousand of innocent civilians that year. That under pressure from Bill Clinton's government, the United Nations was forced not to publish that report. In that New York Times article, they talk about how the 1994 UN report describes General Kagame's soldiers "rounding up civilians and methodically killing unarmed men, women and children."
“Kagame received his military education under the Pentagon’s Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) at the Command and General Staff College of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, beginning in 1990,” wrote John E. Peck of the Association of African Scholars (2002). “His sidekick, Lt. Col. Frank Rusagara, got his JCET schooling at the U.S. Naval Academy in Monterey, California. Both were dispatched to Rwanda in time to oversee the RPF’s takeover in 1994. Far from being an innocent bystander, the Washington Post revealed on July 12, 1998 that the United States not only gave Kagame $75 million in military assistance, but also sent Green Berets to train Kagame’s forces (as well as their Ugandan rebel allies) in low intensity conflict (LIC) tactics. Pentagon subcontractor Ronco, masquerading as a de-mining company, also smuggled more weapons to RPF fighters in flagrant violation of UN sanctions. All of this U.S. largesse was put to lethal effect in the ethnic bloodbath that is still going on.”
In 2009 published Edward S. Herman and David Peterson's investigative/research book The Politics of Genocide said: “The United States and its allies worked hard in the early 1990s to weaken the Rwandan government, forcing the abandonment of many of the economic and social gains from the social revolution of 1959, thereby making the Habyarimana government less popular, and helping to reinforce the Tutsi minority’s economic power.9 Eventually, the RPF was able to achieve a legal military presence inside Rwanda, thanks to a series of ceasefires and other agreements. These agreements led to the Arusha Peace Accords of August 1993, pressed upon the Rwandan government by the United States and its allies, called for the “integration” of the armed forces of Rwanda and the RPF, and for a “transitional,” power-sharing government until national elections could be held in 1995.10 These Peace Accords positioned the RPF for its bloody overthrow of a relatively democratic coalition government, and the takeover of the Rwandan state by a minority dictatorship.”
The U.S. State Department’s Office of War Crimes Issues chief Stephen Rapp knew this entire Rwandan episode, the U.S. interests in Paul Kagame, the UN concealment of the 1994 report at the behest of the Clinton administration, the U.S. military assistance to Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front and the entire exercise of the ‘Rwandan cover up’ to conceal the U.S. culpability in the Rwandan genocide when he focused his attention elsewhere; Sri Lanka.
- Asian Tribune -

Sunday, August 8, 2010

Why the hero of Hotel Rwanda Paul Rusesabagina fears for his people

As Rwandans prepare to vote in their presidential elections, many are questioning the rule of incumbent President Paul Kagame.

By Mike Pflanz in Nairobi, Hereward Holland in Kigali, Colin Freeman and Alex Hannaford
Rwandan elections: The former manager of the Hotel des Milles Collines, Paul Rusesabagina and (right) Rwandan President Paul Kagame
The former manager of the Hotel des Milles Collines, Paul Rusesabagina and (right) Rwandan President Paul Kagame Photo: REX/REUTERS
If, as he fears, Rwanda returns to the bloodshed of its past, Paul Rusesabagina and his wine cellar will no longer be coming to the rescue.
The former manager of the Hotel des Milles Collines, he famously sheltered more than 1,200 Tutsi refugees during the 1994 genocide, persuading local militiamen to turn a blind eye by plying them with best Burgundy.
But 16 years after the slaughter that killed 800,000 people, the man whose quiet tact inspired the Oscar-nominated film Hotel Rwanda has abandoned the role of diplomatic maitre d'. Instead, he is an outspoken critic of the other Rwandan hailed as a hero in the West - President Paul Kagame, the shoo-in favourite to be returned to power in tomorrow's elections.
"The West is sponsoring a government that has been torturing and killing its own citizens," Mr Rusesabagina, 56, who now lives in exile in America, told The Sunday Telegraph.
"President Kagame has already eliminated or arrested his opposition, and my only hope now is that the international community will realise that their dollars have bought an illusion, not an election."
Sadly for Mr Rusesabagina and other opposition figures, the president's story does not fit the kind of simple good and bad narrative that made his own tale such a Hollywood hit.
Critics of the 52-year-old incumbent say he shows all the signs of becoming yet another African "Big Man", welshing on the democratic reforms he promised when he came to office 10 years ago. In recent months, his intelligence services have been linked to grisly murders, several opposition supporters have been arrested, and two independent newspapers suspended - all part of a Mugabe-like plan, critics say, to cling to power.
However, in nearly every other aspect of his rule, he has been held up as a model for other African leaders to follow. An austere, bespectacled figure, his firm hand is credited with turning Rwanda from a bloodstained bankrupt into one of the most dynamic nations on the continent.
Thanks to his Herculean efforts, Rwanda is today considered one of the top five countries in Africa in which to do business. In Kigali, the capital, living standards are rising as fast as sky scrapers, while the streets are startlingly clean of litter, crime and beggars.
Household incomes have tripled, and in the next decade, Rwanda is tipped to become the first African "basket case" to turn itself into a middle-income country.
Small wonder, then, that Mr Kagame has many friends in the West who prefer to focus on his good side, including Britain, which is Rwanda's biggest single aid donor, giving £70 million a year. Tony Blair believes Mr Kagame is a "visionary", while David Cameron's Conservatives send MPs out there every summer voluntary work. Andrew Mitchell, the new Secretary of State for International Development believes that Mr Kagame should be "cut some slack".
"This is a government that had to rescue its country after the dreadful events of the genocide," he told The Sunday Telegraph in a recent interview. "We in the West should be respectful of that in arriving at conclusions about how they handle it."
That view is not shared by Victoire Ingabire, 41, the chair of the opposition United Democratic Forces. Since April, she has languished under house arrest, after demanding to know why the genocide memorial in Kigali did not also commemorate the Hutus who perished.
On the face of it, that question was not unreasonable. While the vast majority of the casualties in the 1994 massacre were ethnic Tutsis, many moderate Hutus also died under the genocidaires' machetes - including her own brother.
Yet in Mr Kagame's Rwanda, to even talk about Hutus and Tutsis is to risk being accused of "genocide ideology" - a vague, catch-all charge which is ostensibly to promote harmony, but which some say is used to keep opponents quiet.
Other regime critics have been silenced for good. Last month, the vice-president of the Democratic Green Party was found almost decapitated from machete wounds. And the month before, a journalist was shot dead after publishing a story linking Rwandan intelligence to an assassination attempt on a dissident general in South Africa.
While the Rwandan government protests its innocence, one Western diplomat in Kigali observed that the "the sudden outburst of murders makes that increasingly implausible."
Such talk is unlikely to bother Mr Kagame much. For one thing, he is virtually assured of a repeat of the landslide vote he got in 2003. His election poster stares out sternly all over Kigale, and his campaign rallies attract tens of thousands, compared to small crowds for opposition candidates.
"Many people like him because he builds hospitals, he supports women, and he creates unity in the people," said Alex Ntagengula, 20, a student and Kagame supporter. "He has brought a strong democracy. Victoire Ingabire, she brings a bad message to the people."
In Mr Kagame's view, the restrictions of which Mrs Ingabire fell foul are not unlike Britain's "hate crime" laws - except that in Rwanda there is a more demonstrable case for them. He also believes that creating prosperity will prove the best way to sap the country of its ethnic hatreds, as he made clear in a Daily Telegraph interview last month. "We must get people to take responsibility for improving their lives, rather than putting them in a position where they sit back in their poverty and blame others for it," he said.
Whatever Mr Kagame's intentions, tomorrow's election should mark his last stint in power. He has said that if he has no credible democratic successor by the next elections, in 2017, his rule will have been a failure. Yet his critics fear that unless opposition parties are allowed to flourish, that is exactly what will happen. They also say that by inhibiting discussion of the genocide at all, the government may once again be stoking resentment in the majority Hutu population.
"Rwanda was a volcano and it erupted in 1994," said Mr Rusesabagina, who now runs a reconciliation charity that preaches a "never again" message. "Today's it's a volcano once again.
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Rwandan election: We should be more sceptical of Mr Kagame

A leader's tenure can never be more important than democracy 
Tomorrow, it can be said with some certainty, Paul Kagame will be re-elected president of Rwanda. Mr Kagame's is not the only name on the ballot, but he is the favourite by far. His rivals have scarcely featured in the campaign, which has at times resembled more a lap of honour by the incumbent.
That might well have been the case even if the election were conducted freely. But opposition groups have been excluded, journalists have been intimidated and dissenting voices have been silenced, sometimes violently.
Mr Kagame is widely credited with bringing security to a country that was torn apart by genocide in 1994. His regime has acted as a guarantor of stability sufficient to attract foreign investment and international aid. The economy has doubled in size in the last five years and is expected to grow by around 6% this year. In comparative surveys of corruption and transparency, Rwanda's government does better than the rest of east Africa.
In that respect, Rwanda is sometimes held up as an example and Mr Kagame has become something of a favoured leader for western aid donors. Britain gives some £55m in aid every year. It is generally preferable to be governed by an internationally admired leader than a reviled one. But the west's record in picking favourites gives cause for concern with regard to Rwanda.
Mr Kagame dresses as a civilian and is an elected president, but he is a soldier at heart. There is no evidence linking him to attacks on opposition leaders and army rivals. But the election campaign has been conducted in an atmosphere of intimidation familiar to all quasi-military regimes and of a kind that quickly acquires its own violent momentum.
Meanwhile, divisions between the majority Hutu population and the minority Tutsis – victims of the genocide and, under Mr Kagame, predominantly the ruling class – have not gone away. But they have been subdued by presidential fiat. Political activity that mobilises ethnic identity is barred as "divisionism".
That, perhaps, is how things must be handled to promote integration. But there have been worrying indications that Mr Kagame is prepared to use the charge of stoking division as a pretext to suppress political dissent more generally. Inevitably, given the country's bloody history, it is hard to distinguish between political grievance that is separate from the legacy of the genocide and Hutu agitation that would deny or seek to excuse the inexcusable. Western governments, meanwhile, mindful of their nations' abject failure to intervene in 1994, are timid about criticising Mr Kagame.
But the laudable goal of creating "One Rwanda" should not give the president immunity from censure. The west has a terrible record in Africa of giving individual leaders the credit for bringing stability to their countries and then accepting that, in the interests of continued stability, the leader's tenure is more important than democracy.
The time is long overdue when aid and trade policy are focused on upholding and strengthening institutions and civil society, not individuals with guns close at hand. Rwanda offers an opportunity to put such an approach to the test.
Those countries that lavish aid on Mr Kagame's regime should remind him that his greatest achievement will be one day standing peacefully aside
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Saturday, August 7, 2010

Blood Gadgetry -- Why I am Going to the Congo

Iara Lee Activist and filmmaker

The Israeli government's increasingly militaristic foreign policy must remain a fundamental concern to anyone who strives for peace and justice on our planet. I am under no illusions, however, that what is happening to the Palestinians should somehow eclipse all other conflicts taking place in the world. Given recent events, and my extremely vocal response to them, I can see why some people new to me and my work might think this is the case. Those who know me even slightly better, however, understand that what is happening in the Middle East is only one facet of my work.
The war in the Congo is another. This is why, for some time now, I have been trying to enter the Congo to document the hideous crimes that are taking place there, crimes that have been largely ignored by much of the world. Since the outbreak of war 14 years ago, over 5 million people, including millions of children, have died as a result of what is now the deadliest conflict since World War II. This is a conflict where rape is used as a weapon of mass destruction, where vital rain forest ecosystems have been destroyed and water systems poisoned.
Given the enormity and brutality of the situation in the Congo, it is baffling how little we have heard about it in the last decade.
Whether it is racism, cowardice, or some combination of the two (they are not mutually exclusive) it has come to pass that what is happening in central Africa is somehow OK to accept, or even worse, to ignore here in the west as something distant and abstract. But the fact is that this is not an abstraction but a blunt reality for so many fellow human beings--and we, and in this I include myself, are complicit and in many ways responsible for what is happening in the Congo.
The conflict began when Rwanda and Uganda invaded the Congo ostensibly to pursue rebels who took refuge in the Congo in the mid-1990s. Since then, both the government forces and the rebels have grown richer by plundering the land of its vast mineral resources, while instability in the Congo has allowed for rapid deforestation of what is often referred to as "the lung of the world" (the Congo, along with the Amazon, is the world's most important "carbon sink," trapping carbon that might otherwise become carbon dioxide). Foreign corporations have also joined in the free for all plunder of the Congo's riches, which led the chief of the UNCHR, Antonio Guterres to declare in an interview with the Financial Times in 2008 that "The international community has systematically looted DRC and we should not forget that."
Among these riches is coltan- columbite tantalite- a mineral highly prized for its use in a number of consumer electronic products, among other things.
After extraction, this mineral is sold to global corporations that use them to satisfy our insatiable appetite for iPods, mobile phones, DVD players, and various other gadgets.
In other words, we are directly fueling the most heinous violence the world has seen in 65 years and subsidizing what one activist, Kambale Musavuli, has referred to as the wholesale rape of land and people.
Just recently President Obama signed into law, as an amendment to the financial reform bill, an extremely limited measure that will require U.S. companies to disclose what steps they are taking to ensure that their products don't contain "conflict minerals" from the Congo. According to the new provision, publicly traded corporations using any "conflict minerals" to make their products must file a report documenting their origins, and if they find they are supporting militant groups they must report on how they plan to stop. But that's all. In fact, corporations are free to report that they will continue to buy from murderous militias, as long as they make that public.
Some might say this is a step in the right direction. I think it is proof of how little we have accomplished so far. We need to turn the heat up on our elected officials who for too long have skirted their responsibility in pushing our African allies (Rwanda, Uganda- both top buyers of the Congolese tin and gold) to end this war, and boycott those companies who continue to profit from such atrocities. In addition, we should call on our elected officials to enforce The Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act, which Obama sponsored as a senator in 2006. This law grants the Secretary of State--Hillary Clinton, who co-sponsored the bill as a senator--the authority to withhold funding to any government contributing to the destabilization of the Congo. Fully implementing this law (PL 109 - 456) would help to accelerate an end to the conflict as V-Day's Eve Ensler has exhorted.
We also need to recognize that, as the beneficiaries of this violence, each of us can and must stand in solidarity with the Congolese people.
I am a filmmaker, and so I am trying to make a film about the Congo. Take a little bit of what you do best, and do it to raise consciousness about the suffering that is occurring in the heart of Africa.
After all, it is not only the fate of the Congo or the African continent that is at stake, but also the conscience of humanity. It is unacceptable that we look back at ourselves and admit that we stood idly aside while millions of human beings perished for the comfort of our cell phones and modern gadgets.
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Genocide suspect Rose Kabuye was detained

Published on 5:15AM Tuesday Nov 11, 2008 Rose Kabuye, a Rwandan woman sought for questioning by a French judge about what sparked her country's infamous genocide in 1994, was arrested at Frankfurt International Airport. Kabuye is chief of protocol for Rwandan President Paul Kagame. She had accompanied him on a visit to Germany in April but was not detained then because she was under diplomatic immunity. Kabuye has agreed to be extradited to France, where she will be questioned about the attack on the plane of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana. Rwanda's genocide began hours after it was shot down as it approached Kigali on April 6, 1994 Thousands of Rwandans protested Monday outside the German embassy here against the arrest in Frankfurt of a top official suspected of involvement in the incident that triggered the 1994 genocide. Demonstrators waved banners that read: "Germany: arrest genocide perpetrators, not innocents," as they demanded the release of Rose Kabuye, chief of protocol to President Paul Kagame. Kabuye is one of a number of Kagame's inner circle suspected by a French judge of involvement in the killing of former president Juvenal Habyarimana. Rwanda summoned Germany's ambassador on Sunday after her arrest at France's request sparked anger in Kigali, which accuses France and other European countries of seeking to prosecute the victims rather than the perpetrators of the genocide. Police spokesman Willy Marcel Higiro told AFP that the demonstrators numbered around 7,500. The protestors marched from the heavily-protected German embassy to the offices of Germany's international broadcaster Deutsche Welle, on the ouskirts of Kigali. At around lunchtime, cars drove across the capital blaring out messages announcing that all offices were closed for the afternoon and urging civil servants and members of the public to join the demonstrations. "These protests are designed to protest against the arrest of Mrs Rose Kabuye," said the message. Information Minister Louise Mushikiwabo told AFP that other demonstrations were planned for Tuesday and Wednesday. Currently in custody in a women's prison in Frankfurt, Kabuye could be extradited to France within 10 to 14 days, German prosecutors told AFP on Monday. Rwanda's foreign ministry expressed its "shock and dismay" over Kabuye's arrest and denied claims she was on a private visit, in a letter of protest to the German embassy in Kigali seen by AFP. It said that Kabuye enjoys diplomatic immunity, was on a "working visit" to Germany and "should be treated with courtesy and dignity by the German authorities as it is required by diplomatic decorum." Kabuye had already travelled to Germany in April and embarked on another trip despite warnings she could face arrest on the basis of a 2006 international warrant issued by French anti-terrorism judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere. "She is an innocent woman who was arrested on a politically motivated warrant, a warrant issued on the basis of manipulated investigations," Mushikiwabo said. "This blackmail cannot continue anymore." Kabuye is the first Rwandan to be arrested after Bruguiere issued nine warrants against close Kagame aides whom the judge suspects of being behind the death of the former Rwandan president. Habyarimana's assassination in April 1994 when his aircraft was shot down triggered ethnic tensions that led to the genocide, in which 800,000 people -- mainly from Kagame's Tutsi minority -- were massacred by extremists from the Hutu majority. The arrest warrants sparked a bilateral diplomatic row resulting in Rwanda suspending ties with France. Kabuye's lawyer said she was willing to be transferred to France "as quickly as possible" to speak to French judges. According to judicial sources, if Kabuye is indicted, she and the Rwandan regime will for the first time have full access to the evidence in the case. Mushikiwabo told AFP: "We hope that with this arrest, the whole world will finally know that these arrest warrants have no legal basis. We want the warrants made public. It is time to tell the truth." Mushikiwabo also criticised last week's legal suit by 10 senior French military officers against Rwanda, which accuses them of involvement in the genocide. The five generals and five colonels served in Operation Turquoise, a French military mission to Rwanda in 1994 following Habyarimana's assassination which Kigali said assisted Hutu genocide perpetrators. "For us, this is also one of the acts of intimidation. The involvement of France (in the genocide) is a truth. France politically and militarily helped a government that committed genocide," Mushikiwabo said. In August, the Rwandan government issued a 500-page report naming 13 French politicians and 20 military officials for their role in the massacres, including then-president Francois Mitterrand. The report alleged France was aware of preparations for the genocide, contributed to planning the massacres and that its troops actively took part in the killings. Rwanda Must Stop Aiding Nkunda's Rebels New Vision (Kampala) INTERVIEW 8 November 2008 Posted to the web 10 November 2008 By Cyprian Musoke Kampala Rwanda should stop supporting renegade general Laurent Nkunda under false pretext, Democratic Republic of Congo's Minister of Planning, Olivier Kamitatu, told Sunday Vision. In an exclusive interview conducted by Cyprian Musoke Do you think the tripartite summit was a success? We really wonder if regional integration is possible without security and peace. It is a great paradox. We have many problems in eastern Congo, especially with Rwanda, which continues to support Congolese rebels like Nkunda under false pretext. They claim it is about the protection of Tutsis. But not a single Tutsi has been killed in Congo. And Tutsis occupy high positions in the army, the parliament, the senate and the administration of public enterprises. It was agreed that all forces would be integrated into the national Congolese army, but Nkunda has refused to integrate his troops. Rwanda claims that your government is supporting Hutu extremists who were responsible for the 1994 genocide. We have no reason to co-operate with extremist Hutus. Who is an extremist Hutu anyway? Over 70% of the FDLR are below the age of 24. They were 10 when the genocide took place. When Rwanda declares that there are 7,000 Hutus in eastern Congo and that 6,900 are genocidaires, it is a joke. But apart from that, we don't want those people in Congo. In the past five years, they have not killed anybody in Rwanda. Instead, it is the Congolese people suffering. They have been killing and raping Congolese civilians. We want them to go back to their country. We are even ready to discuss how they could be relocated to other parts of Congo. We are open to any suggestions. We want to find lasting solutions. But they need to be realistic. Uganda and Rwanda were not able to neutralise the Interahamwe during the five years they occupied the Congo. How do they expect us to do it alone? We want Rwanda to say frankly what their concerns are. Is it about protection of the Tutsi minority? Is it about Hutu extremists? Or is it about business, about coltan, gold and other minerals? Is a free trade zone not the ultimate objective of the regional integration discussed at the tripartite summit? We can trade with Rwanda provided they are willing to respect Congolese laws and trade is carried out transparently and for the benefit of the entire population. We cannot accept Congolese minerals being exported to Rwanda in an uncontrolled way. The Congolese army itself is accused of grave human rights abuses, including rape, looting and killing of civilians. Joseph Kabila inherited a totally devastated country. We have to reconstruct everything. That takes time and money. The will is there to build an army which is well equipped and disciplined, but the resources needed are enormous. The integration of so many rebel forces into the national army is another challenge. But that is the price we have to pay for peace in Congo. Is MONUC (the UN peacekeeping force in Congo) assisting your government to rebuild the army? Not really. We are getting support from Angola, South Africa, Belgium, the European Union and France. How would you describe your current relationship with Uganda? Our relations have improved. We have re-opened embassies in our respective countries and will soon exchange ambassadors. Uganda is in a position to help DRC, Rwanda and Burundi improve their relations. President Yoweri Museveni has a big role to play, as an elder with great experience. The disintegration of Congo, a country with a 10,000 km border line and 65 million people, would be a great disaster for the whole region. Uganda was instructed by the International Court of Justice to pay reparation for its involvement in the DRC in the late 90s. Is the issue still on Kinshasa's agenda? The National Assembly wants the government to accelerate the matter. But we prefer to talk about normalisation of relations and how we can reconstruct Kisangani through investments. We don't want to just forget about the matter. It should be a lesson for history. We don't want this kind of problem ever again. The International Criminal Court recently demanded to know what Kinshasa was doing to execute the warrants of arrest against LRA leader Joseph Kony and his commanders. What steps has your government taken against the LRA? Congo has no interest in having its territory being used as a sanctuary for Ugandan rebels, particularly at a time when we are discussing cross-border trade, investments and shared infrastructure. We have mobilised all efforts to arrest Kony and are already carrying out military operations in the area. We are co-operating with the UPDF because they have experience. At the moment our co-operation is at the level of intelligence sharing, but I cannot go into details. Are you getting support from MONUC for this operation? MONUC is in the region, but we are carrying out this operation in our own capacity. Kony is a big concern to us. Dozens of Congolese children have been abducted and thousands of civilians are fleeing. Villagers have now organised themselves to fight Kony. Garamba National Park is a difficult area to control. And as you know, the rebels' tactic is to attack and retreat. The army has sent reinforcement to the area. We plan to deploy more and more troops in the next few weeks. What time frame are you looking at to arrest Kony? It is difficult to say, but I would say it is a matter of weeks. The two heads of state are discussing the issue, which shows that it is a priority to both leaders. Uganda is in advanced stages of exploring oil on Lake Albert. Why did Congo decide to use a different company from the one Uganda is using? The contract has not yet been awarded. The final person to give authorisation is President Joseph Kabila. At ministerial level, an operator has been suggested, but it must be sanctioned by President Kabila. An oil worker was killed by Congolese soldiers near the disputed Rukwanzi Island last year. What happened to the border demarcation project? A commission was put in place to demarcate the border, not only with Uganda, but also Angola. It has not finished its work yet. We want normalisation and development along the border, not tension. We want to have a common zone of prosperity. When Congo becomes secure and registers economic growth, Uganda and Rwanda will also be more secure. What is your economic programme to reconstruct the country? We are following the Ugandan example of private and government partnerships. We now have 62 of such partnership agreements. We want to produce 400,000 tonnes of copper in the next three years, to get back to the capacity of 1989. We are co-operating with the Chinese on how to explore our minerals. We are also negotiating with the donors to have our external debt, amounting to $10b, cancelled so that we use the money for infrastructure development. We need $14b in the next five years to reconstruct the country. The donor consultative group pledged $4b. The rest we have to mobilise internally. What are your priorities? We want to refurbish the two Inga dams, which have a capacity of 1,700 megawatts. We are also finishing the feasibility study for Inga 3, which will have a capacity of another 4,500 megawatts. Our second priority is to explore oil in the western part of the country, near the border with Angola, which has a potential of 1million barrels per day. In terms of transport infrastructure, we want to construct a railway from the deep sea port in Mbanana to Kinshasa, as well as refurbish the one from Kindu to Lubumbashi. We also want to connect Kasese and Lubumbashi to Kisangani by road. We want to link every part of Congo to the outside world. African Rebel Leader's Life in Germany Angers Politicians Rebel groups continue to be a problem in Congo German politicians want action taken against Ignace Murwanashyaka, the self-proclaimed leader of a group of Rwandan Hutu rebels accused of genocide. Murwanashyaka currently lives in Germany. Last week, Ignace Murwanashyaka popped back into the news when he denied that his rebel troops were involved in violence that has recently erupted in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Murwanashyaka was reached by phone at his home in the southern German city of Mannheim, where he has lived on and off for years. "We are not in any way involved in this fighting," he told the AFP news agency. "The FDLR do not meddle with Congolese affairs." The FDLR, or the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, is a group of around 6,000 ethnic Hutu rebels that operates mainly in the Democratic Republic of Congo but also in Rwanda. German criticism mounting As fighting between Congolese rebel groups and the government continues, German politicians have renewed calls for Murwanashyaka to be kicked out of the country. The UN has peacekeepers in Congo Winfried Nachwei, a spokesman for Germany's Green Party said he finds it scandalous that the rebel leader can continue to control rebel troops while living in Germany. "It is a disgrace to Germany that this head of a definite terrorist organization has lived here for years," Nachwei said in an interview with public broadcaster ARD on Monday, Nov. 3. The program interviewed Murwanashyaka, who declared himself "president of this organization" claiming that he keeps close tabs on exactly what the FDLR is doing. Walter Riester, the former employment minister for the Social Democratic Party, also said that Germany is "hurting its credibility" by not acting against people like Murwanashyaka. Investigations continue The FDLR is accused of human rights violations during the 1994 Rwandan genocide, in which Hutus killed some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Rwanda has called for Murwanashyaka to be extradited to face charges of crimes against humanity. 250,000 people have been displaced by the fighting In 2005, Murwanashyaka was blacklisted by the United Nations for violating an arms embargo set up to promote peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Until the sanctions were imposed, Murwanashyaka had held a German residence permit but had been traveling back and forth between Germany and the dense forests of the Democratic Republic of Congo's North Kivu province that borders Rwanda. Murwanashyaka was briefly arrested in 2006 by Mannheim immigration officials for allegedly entering the country illegally. He was released a short time later and no charges were brought against him, although he is reportedly being investigated by Germany's Federal Prosecutor's Office. FDLR says it will protect refugees The role of the FDLR in the current fighting currently taking place in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo remains murky. The Rwandan government and Congolese rebel leader Laurent Nkunda has said the FDLR is fighting alongside Congolese government troops. Murwanashyaka, while denying those accusations, did say that his group would step in to the fighting to defend Rwandan Hutu refugees, if needed. "We will make this very clear: if refugees are attacked, we will defend them, whoever the attacker is," Murwanashyaka told AFP. Several weeks of fighting between rebels and pro-government militia groups has already displaced more than 250,000 people. Much of the fighting has been linked to the Mai Mai, one of dozens of small militia groups which operate out of the Democratic Republic of Congo's lawless east. Rwandan Rebels Deny Involvement In Congo Fighting NAIROBI (AFP)--Rwandan Hutu rebels on Thursday denied accusations its forces were fighting alongside government troops in eastern Congo. "We are not in any way involved in this fighting. The FLDR do not meddle with Congolese affairs," said Ignace Murwanashyaka, president of the Rwandan Democratic Liberation Forces, or FLDR, reached by phone in Germany. On Thursday, both the Rwandan government and Congolese rebel leader Laurent Nkunda accused FDLR elements of fighting alongside regular Congolese troops in the eastern Congo. According to Rwanda's state-run radio, an FDLR military commander, Gaston Iyamulemye, is actively taking part alongside the regular Congolese army "in the preparation and execution of operations" in Nord-Kivu. Government troops had been trying to repel a military push by Nkunda's National Congress for the Defense of the People forces on Goma, but regular forces have retreated, leaving U.N. peacekeepers as the last obstacle to the CNDP's capture of the Nord-Kivu capital. "We do not fight alongside the Congolese army, we do not fight alongside MONUC (U.N. mission in Congo). It's the Congolese who should defend their country, our role is limited to defending (Rwandan Hutu) refugees," Murwanashyaka told AFP. "We will make this very clear: if refugees are attacked, we will defend them, whoever the attacker is," he said. The FDLR chairman returned the accusation and charged that the forces of Tutsi rebel leader Nkunda were supported by the Tutsi regime in Kigali. "It's not Nkunda fighting, it's Rwanda. The local population is confirming every day that Rwandan troops are moving towards the border," he said.

Open letter to the Independent and Rwanda News Agency's Editors

By Mamadou Kouyate

To: The Foreign Editor of the Independent,
(foreigneditor@independent.co.uk)

CC: The Editor of Rwanda News Agency
(rna@rwanda1.com)


Re: Ms. Louise Mushikiwabo's paranoia over Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza

Dear Editors,

I am writing to protest against the allegations by your foreign editor, Katherine Butler, in her recent article titled " Minister accuses rival of links to terrorism" published online Saturday August 7, 2010, article quickly relayed the same day by Rwanda News Agency in its article titled “Ingabire is bad news for Rwanda – Mushikiwabo”.
(http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/minister-accuses-rival-of-links-to-terrorism-2045907.html).

(http://www.rnanews.com/politics/3978-ingabire-is-bad-news-for-rwanda-mushikiwabo).

Ms. Katherine Butler knowingly published lie propraganda by Rwanda’s foreign minister, Louise Mushikiwabo about Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and the ongoing struggle for democratic change in Rwanda when she wrote that:

1) "She [Ms Ingabire] is a criminal". "She is bad news, she is connected to the FDLR and terrorist groups and she has a criminal history. She is not under house arrest, she has only been told not to leave the country."
2) Ms Ingabire was accused of being an "opportunist" who had lived outside of Rwanda for 16 years and still wanted to conduct a politics based on ethnic differences, which was "unacceptable"
I would like to ask Ms. Katherine Butler to give Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza her right of response she strongly deserves.

In case Ms. Katherine Butler cannot do so probably because she has been hired by the British firm Racepoint PR which is currently working out all the details on which media Ms. Louise Mushikiwabo will talk to and what she could say there in London, please seek from specific answers to the following crucial questions before she goes back to Rwanda:

In the aftermaths of the Rwandan genocide committed against the Tutsis the UN Security Council in its resolution #955 of November 1995 stated that both warring sides which were fighting for power in Rwanda i.e. the Habyarimana’s regime and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) of Paul Kagame shared some responsibilities in the killings that took place in Rwanda. These killings have been divided into three categories, including: crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, and crimes against peace.

When Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza arrived in Rwanda after 16 years in exile, she recalled such a UN resolution to remind the Rwandan people that anyone who is responsible for any crime committed in Rwanda must face justice and that all victims deserve the right of memory for their loved ones who perished. Mrs. Ingabire also stressed that this is a necessary step for the sake of a genuine national reconciliation in Rwanda.
1) As a high ranking Rwandan official, do you see Rwanda’s problems this way?

2) Which divisionism or genocide ideology do you see in such statements?

In Rwanda there was indeed genocide against the Tutsis in 1994. It was committed by extremist Hutus.

3) How can you sustain that in Rwanda there are no ethnic groups?
Among the solutions that Mrs. Ingabire is proposing to solve Rwandan problems is that the Rwandan people should be free to speak clearly about their current problems so that they can achieve a genuine reconciliation and find tangible solutions to their problems specifically by installing strong institutions where every Rwandan feels represented and protected.

4) Do you see things this way?

On June 24, 2010, when members of the opposition who were peacefully demonstrating were arrested by the Rwandan police, these people were beaten and tortured by the police along with heinous utterances such as: “You Hutus, you are all fed up with too much blood but now we’re going to beat you so that you may throw up that blood. The “hutus” like Ingabire and Ntaganda that you all are following will never get to power as long as we will live in Rwanda”.

The same scenario was repeated on July 24, 2010, when a police flying squad drifted into Ms. Ingabire's temporary residence, knocked off and assaulted 2 guests and a house watchman in front of the door. The victims are Mr. Martin Ntavuka – FDU-INKINGI leader in Nyarugenge district and Mr. Anastase Hagabimana – FDU-INKINGI leader in Kicukiro district. They were handcuffed, beaten up and taken to Remera police detention facility.


The watchman was left with face injuries including one eye swollen shut. Eye witnesses confirm death threats and ethnic hate abuses hurled on-spot by the officer Karekezi, a Criminal Investigation Department staff.

On July 25, 2010, Rwanda's state radio station, quoting police sources, aired that the night before two were arrested for planning illegal demonstrations to be held the following week and that T-shirts with “inflammatory print” were confiscated.

The printed text on either the front or the back of the T-shirts says “We Need Democracy and Fair Justice" or “Turashaka Demokarasi n'Ubutabera Busesuye”.

When Rwandan officials make heinous utterances and torture their fellow citizens it means that there is no reconciliation in Rwanda. It also is obvious that there are still ethnic tensions in Rwanda, especially when it comes to power sharing.

5) Why do you deny such things while you knowingly know that there is clearly a problem in Rwanda?
When Ms. Ingabire brings up these problems which are shared with all Rwandans you label her as divisionist.

6) Between Ms. Ingabire who is pointing out these problems and asking for tangible solutions and the police that are torturing people with such heinous utterances, who do you think is harboring divisionism or genocide ideology?

Since February 2010 you’ve been saying that you have irrefutable evidence showing that Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza collaborates with the FDLR armed group.
7) Why have you failed to try her in court so far?

8) Recently, as political parties were registering their candidates, you said that such evidence against Ingabire was not available because it was to come from abroad. What kind of evidence are you waiting for especially that some of the evidence in question has reportedly been requested from the USA, when everybody knows that Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza never lived in the USA?

9) If the RPF government's intent is not to prevent registering the UDF-Inkingi political party that Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza chairs and to keep her from running in the upcoming presidential elections, why would it take 5 months before trying her in court?

When you interrogated Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza about her collaboration with the FDLR you used the 2009 UN report where it says that she had a meeting with the FDLR. But when one looks at the website of the NGO that convened such a meeting i.e. VeritasRwanda he/she can clearly see that the meeting was also attended by some RPF delegates. It is also clear that the conclusions of the meeting were all about problems facing Rwanda and their possible solutions.

10) Why is it a crime for Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza to attend the same meeting as your RPF delegates?

11) Do you by any chance also accuse your RPF delegates of the same crimes?

12) With regard to those military officers you arrested in Burundi in September 2009 for allegedly working for Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, why didn’t you indict them immediately if it was true that they were suspected of preparing attacks against Rwanda when you know that the Rwandan law says that anybody who is arrested and provisionally jailed should be indicted within 72 hours?

When you started charging Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza of collaboration with the FDLR, there were newspapers that a few days before had spread news that there were people that had been paid by RPF to say that they were FDLR members and that they work with Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and indeed it exactly happened that way.

13) How can we trust your justice system where people are trained to serve as false witnesses against other people?

On the 24th of June, 2010 opposition party members held a peaceful demonstration in Kigali, which they had called "demonstration for democracy". They were arrested by the police and were tortured. As a result, Mrs Alice Muhirwa, UDF-Inkingi treasurer, collapsed in front of the judge after spending five days unsuccessfully asking to see a doctor.

The day Ms. Alice Muhirwa collapsed in court the same police that had beaten her took her to a police hospital were they fabricated a medical report saying that she was not ill despite the fact that their doctors gave her some medical prescriptions for her beating condition.

It is obvious that these doctors wouldn’t have given Mrs Alice Muhirwa such medical prescriptions if she was not ill.

Your police officers tortured these political prisoners despite the fact that in 2008 Rwanda signed a treaty banning torture of detained prisoners.

14) What do you intend to do with regard to those police officers who tortured political prisoners?
Thanks for your help.

Sincerely,

Mamadou Kouyate

Related Materials:
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Assignment- Politics in Rwanda

Rwandan Elections Monday Will be a 'Sham,' Activists Say

Facing life in jail, the woman who dared to take on Paul Kagame

Rwanda: Attacks on Freedom of Expression, Association, and Assembly in the Run-up to Presidential Elections

CAPTIVITY ADDRESS TO RWANDANS AND FRIENDS OF RWANDA posted by Mamadou Kouyate @ 12:09 PM
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Rwandan Elections Monday Will be a 'Sham,' Activists Say

 
By Neel Arora - Tensions surrounding Rwanda’s presidential elections next week spilled into a news conference, when the country’s ambassador to the U.S. attended a press conference organized by activists who said the elections will be a sham.
 
The Activists and the Rwandan Ambassador to USA
Washington D.C. - infoZine - Scripps Howard Foundation Wire - The conflict in Rwanda unfolded on a smaller stage as Rwandan Ambassador to the U.S. James Kimonyo entered a room where activists were criticizing Monday's elections for being undemocratic.

The briefing Tuesday, hosted by the Institute for Policy Studies, turned into a heated and at times chaotic debate after speakers called the election process a "sham."

"It would be a shame if the U.S. government actually recognizes this election as legitimate, given everything that has taken place prior to this election," said Claude Gatebuke, a Rwandan human rights activist based in the U.S. "We want to make sure the U.S. recognizes the Rwandan election for what it is."

Gatebuke, a survivor of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda in which 800,000 people were killed in ethnic clashes, said the government has suspended independent media and is persecuting journalists and opponents of the establishment.

Opposition candidates have been blocked from mounting a proper challenge to Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who has been in office since 2000, Gatebuke said.

Kagame won a seven-year term in 2003, capturing 95 percent of the vote. He has been among the leadership of the ruling party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, after its forces intervened and effectively ended the genocide. The party has held power since.

Kimonyo defended Kagame for helping stop the genocide and giving Rwandans a common identity.

Rwandan society has been confronted by ethnic differences since its independence in 1962. This eventually led to the genocide in which extremist Hutu ethnic tribes attacked minority Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Under Kagame, the old policy of carrying identity cards stating ethnicity was done away with.

Kimonyo said Rwanda's current leadership has taken strides to rebuild the country and meet the United Nations Africa Millennium Development Goals.

"When you talk about education and health, Rwanda has already met some of the AMDG goals," he said, after being given an opportunity to respond to the allegations made against his government. "This conspiracy is being mounted to create a different narrative about Rwanda."

Some strong opposition candidates have not been allowed to register, but three other candidates will be on the presidential ballot.

The campaign has been moving smoothly, Kimonoyo said.

"The elections are conducted within the limits of our constitution," he said. "Trust me, after the 9th, Rwandans will be celebrating."

The State Department has not commented on the election process yet. The U.S. government provides development aid to Rwanda, but a State Department website says that democratization remains a problem.

Paul Rusesabagina, a Rwandan humanitarian worker who saved the lives of about 1,200 refugees during the genocide and whose story was the basis for the movie "Hotel Rwanda," said in a written statement that there is no democracy in Rwanda.

Rusesabagina was scheduled to appear at the briefing, but sponsors said he was ill.

He said Kagame uses the threat of another genocide as an excuse to maintain control and that the election results are "preordained." Rwandan citizens who oppose the official line are outcast or brutally punished.

"It is imperative that the international community not turn a blind eye to this repression and outright violence," he said. "The people of Rwanda deserve a future of freedom and growth, not the continuation of fear and poverty."

Friday, August 6, 2010

Rwandan President Paul Kagame & US Policy

As the August 9th election day approaches, fear and uneasiness continues to grow for many Rwandans. The incumbent President Paul Kagame is running for reelection and is expected to win. But, what kind of leader has he been? He has made headlines in recent months for causing trouble for his challengers ahead of elections. There have been assassinations, imprisonments, torture, and harassment of opposition party members. He continues to use an extreme and invented sense of collective guilt against the Hutu, arresting and charging many amongst them with genocide, genocide denial, genocide ideology, negationism and divisionism.

Kagame’s heavy-handed leadership over recent years has also led to division within the inner circle that he brought with him into power. One of the latest victims in that circle is former Ambassador to India and his Army chief of staff, Kayumba Nyamwasa, a Tutsi who escaped an assassination plot in Rwanda in March 2010 and survived assassination on June 19th in South Africa where he is in exile and recovering from his wounds. In his book, L’histoire Secrete (published by Panama Editions, Paris, in 2005, pages 420-429), Lieutenant Abdul Joshua Ruzibiza, a former member of Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), provides first and last names of several officers of the RPF who were murdered by Kagame’s regime for various reasons, mostly to cover up his human rights abuses. Among them is Colonel Theonest Lizinde, killed in Kenya.
In Rwanda, the Hutu-Tutsi divide is as strong as ever and tensions cannot be expected to fade without proper leadership and policy that makes reconciliation a priority in Rwanda. The 2003 elections were not scrutinized because of the fresh memory genocide and the international condemnation of all Hutu for it. Although President Kagame is still campaigning on the message of recovery from genocide, this time around the Hutu, who constitute 85% of the population, took this year’s elections as an opportunity and a forum to claim and redefine their identity as Hutu people, rather than simply the perpetrators of the genocide against Tutsi. In fact, Kagame’s Hutu collective genocide guilt is an ideology. Sadly, Rwandan politics continues to follow its historical tribal politics instead of vision based multiparty, program and policy driven democracy.

US policies in Rwanda against the Rwandan People

The United States taxpayer-funded foreign assistance for Rwanda since 2000 is estimated to be over $1 billion andin the 2011 President’s fiscal year budget Rwanda is set to receive another $2.4 million. Contrary to the wishes of most Americans, the US government is supporting another dictatorial regime in Africa. Nii Akuetteh, an activistbased in Washington observes that “since 1960, Africa’s year of independence, each and every U.S. administration has praised, financed and kept in power its own set of brutal African strongmen that, in its secret files, it has labeled ‘friendly tyrants.’ Mobutu sese Seko of Zaire, Siyaad Barre of Somalia, Hissene Habre of Chad, Samuel Doe of Liberia and Jonas Savimbi of Angola – these are just five of the dozens.” In recent months, evidence of the heavy-handed leadership of the Kagame regime has been so grave that the administration was forced to defend its policies regarding the worldwide concerns over the Rwandan crisis. On June 14, 2010 Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, at the US State Department’s diplomacy briefing on Sub-Sahara Africa, said: “We really don’t want to see Rwanda undermine its own remarkable progress by beginning to move away
from a lot of the very positive actions that undergirded its development so effectively. We still are very, very supportive of Rwanda. … But we are concerned by some of the recent actions and we would like to see steps taken to reverse those actions.” Yet, the US’s willingness to fully support undemocratic regimes in African has long been the norm.
On paper and in speeches we hear that US policy priority objectives in Africa include accountability, democratic governance and prevention and mitigation of conflict. The current political situation in Rwanda shows that Rwanda is neither stable and nor peaceful. The Counselor to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Mr. James Michel, explaining the relevance of the Obama administration’s Africa policies cited above, underscored the fact that “support for peace and stability is necessary for progress on all the other development priorities. To have democratic governance, inclusive growth, and improved health, you have to have peace and stability.” During the recent Africa Faith and Justice Network’s (AFJN) Rwanda meetings with US officials, they expressed the sense that there is very little they can do to help the Rwandans move a step further from their circle of ethnic violence and hatred. However, it became clear after our meeting with a staffer of Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, whose district has information technology deals with Rwandan government, that the bottom line is the lack of political will rooted in protecting US interests in Rwanda.
AFJN’s basic recommendation is that the US must first consider a change of US policy toward Rwanda by withholding budgetary and military support to Kagame’s regime unless it complies with democratic principles, respects human rights and guarantees of freedom of any kind to all its citizens. The United Kingdom already decided to stop funding some oversight institutions in Rwanda at the end of this fiscal year because of the numerous instances of violence and repression against members of the press. (Read trancript of the Oral Answers to Questions of  the UK secretary of state  here, section 3 is about Rwanda) We encourage you to call your representative in Congress and ask that this kind of funding destined to the Rwandan regime be stopped immediately.  Click here to listen to the report from KPFA redio report by Anne Garrison.
Rwanda’s elections are taking place Monday, August 9.
Check www.afjn.org for updates soon thereafte
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