Rwanda Genocide: Honoring the Dead Without Honoring the Lies

Written by Ann Garisson for the Global Research

On April 7 the United Nations began its annual commemoration of the anniversary of what we know as the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, when as many as one million Rwandans were slaughtered in 100 days.

The RPF Soldiers Cutting Genital parts of a Hutu Refugee in DRC 1997

The ceremonies raise several questions for all those who contest the received history of the Rwanda Genocide: How to honor Rwanda’s dead without honoring the lies?

And, how to honor six million more Congolese dead, but not commemorated, in the ongoing aftermath of the Rwanda Genocide when Rwanda’s war crossed its western border into neighboring D.R. Congo?

Though both tell the received history of the Rwanda Genocide; the BBC and Wikipedia mark its outset not on April 7th, as the UK, UN, and Rwandan officialdom do, but on April 6th, when, in 1994, the assassination of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana and Burundi President Cyprien Ntaryamira triggered the ensuing panic and violence that grew into the horror of the next 100 days and beyond. The two presidents were flying home from a conference between east and central African leaders in Tanzania, held to discuss ways to end violence between ethnic Hutus and Tutsis from Burundi and Rwanda, when their plane was shot out of the sky over Rwanda’s capitol, Kigali.

On the evening of April 6, 1994, the BBC reported:

The deaths of the presidents, both Hutus, look likely to make the situation in both states [Rwanda and Burundi] worse. Heavy fighting has already been reported around the presidential palace in Rwanda after news of the deaths spread. News agencies in Kigali said explosions have been rocking the city but it was not immediately clear who was involved in the fighting.

Carla del Ponte, lead prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunals on Rwanda and Yugoslavia, in her book “Madame Prosecutor; Confrontations with Humanity’s Worst Criminals and the Culture of Impunity,” tells the story of how she was fired by the UN after announcing her intent to prosecute sitting Rwandan President Paul Kagame for the assassination of Presidents Habyarimana and Ntaryamira that triggered the genocide.

The received history says that former President Bill Clinton and the rest of the world stood by and let extremist Hutus murder up to a million Rwandan Tutsis and moderate Hutus until current Rwandan President Paul Kagame and his Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) army arrived in Kigali to end the killing, restore order and begin a reconciliation process. Volumes of interviews, testimonies, mass-grave exhumations and identifications as well as statistical analysis by five different teams of investigators, tell a far more complex story that includes a psychosis-induced mass-murder. Five teams of investigators came to varying sets of conclusions which University of Michigan Professor Allan Stam explained in Coming to a New Understanding of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide. Four out of five teams concluded that the vast majority of those who died were Hutus.

French is Dead, Long Live English!

Some say that Clinton could have stopped it with a phone call because the US and UK were backing Kagame’s RPF Tutsi Army, whose advance from the north after the assassinations stirred waves of panic and consequent violence in southern Rwanda.

But, whether he could have stopped it that easily or not, and/or at what point, the Rwanda Genocide ultimately represented the triumph of the US, the UK, and their allies over France in a fierce scramble for Central Africa’s vast natural resources, including the dense mineral wealth in eastern D.R. Congo.

President Paul Kagame, an English speaking Rwandan refugee in Uganda from the age of two, rose to become an officer in Uganda’s Army, then Intelligence Chief, then RPF Commander, after training at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, where future generals learn to plan invasions.

The RPF army invaded Rwanda across its northern border with Uganda in 1990 and arrived victorious in Kigali at the end of the 100 days following the Habyarimana and Ntaryamira assassinations.

Though reported to have stood by during the genocide, the US moved in to build a large military base in Rwanda almost as soon as the RPF triumphed, as reported in the New York Times, July 27, 1994:

The United States is preparing to send troops to help establish a large base in Rwanda to bolster the relief effort in the devastated African nation, Administration officials said today.

(Administration officials’ claim that relief was the base’s purpose is disputed by those who dispute the history of the genocide.)

All Rwandans share the native African language, Kinyarwanda, “Rwanda” for short, but before the English-speaking RPF victory, urban, educated Rwandans also spoke French, the language of the dominant European power and thus the language in which Rwanda conducted international business.

The new RPF rulers declared English the language of business, causing enormous stress and dislocation to French-speaking Rwandan professionals, and in November 2009, the Commonwealth Heads of Government welcomed Rwanda, a former member of the Commonwealth’s equivalent, La Francophonie, as a member.

Shortly thereafter, “French is dead; long live English in Rwanda!” a news report from the English stream of French-based satellite channel, celebrated the end of 100 years dominance of the French language and French business ties.

Law Professor Peter Erlinder, former National Lawyer’s Guild President, lead defense counsel for the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, and author of the Rwanda Documents Project, offered these comments on the commemoration of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide:

“Commemorating the ‘Rwandan Genocide’ is certainly a noble goal, but without acknowledging the role of the current Rwandan President Kagame in the assassination of Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, and the crimes committed by his forces in their 90-day assault to seize power in 1994, whether those crimes are called ‘Genocide’ or ‘Crimes Against Humanity,’ converts a solemn remembrance into a farce of political deception and ‘cover-up, organized by the dominant member of the UN Security Council and Kagame’s most-important backer, the government of the United States.

“Investigating judges in France and Spain have indicted Kagame and his RPF forces. US government and UN documents from 1994 confirm that Kagame’s RPF is guilty of mass-killings during all of 1994, which continue in the eastern Congo to this day. More than 6-million have died as a result of the Kagame-initiated war and violence in Central Africa and the former Chief UN Prosecutor, Carla del Ponte, has concluded that Kagame’s RPF is responsible for crimes that have been charged to the side that lost the Rwandan Civil War between 1990 and 1994.

“In 2009, the four top-military leaders of the vanquished army have been acquitted of planning or conspiring to commit genocide, or any other crimes, in the UN Tribunal.

“Del Ponte has publicly said that she was fired from her UN job by the US in 2003, when she insisted on prosecuting Kagame and the RPF.

“There is much, much more to a ‘genocide remembrance’ than meets the eye even when the UN is involved and history is ignored, or ‘covered-up’ in the interests of superpower geopolitical interests.”

Never again?

This admonition from the web pages of the UN’s 2010 Rwanda Genocide commemoration could not more perfectly describe Rwanda as it is now, under Rwandan President Paul Kagame and his ruling RPF Party:

Warning Signs of Genocide

The Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, working with other genocide experts, has compiled a list of warning signs that could indicate that a community is at risk for genocide or similar atrocities. It includes:

• the country has a totalitarian or authoritarian government where only one group controls power

• the country is at war or there is a lawless environment in which massacres can take place without being quickly noticed or easily documented

The UN is at least good for comic relief, but pretending that these were warning signs of Rwanda’s past, and not its present, does not honor the dead. It honors the lies told by the US, the UK, and the UN to cover their responsibility for the loss of millions of African lives.

Senator Russ Feingold calls for political space in Rwanda

On March 2nd, as grenades exploded in Kigali, and Kagame’s political targets fled the country, Senator Russ Feingold, Chair of the Senate Subcommittee on Africa, read the Feingold Statement on the Fragility of Democracy in Africa, into the Congressional Record, calling on President Barack Obama to make human and political rights a condition for the support of the US and other “donor nations” in Africa.

Feingold stressed the urgency of the Rwandan political situation, with presidential election polls approaching in August.

The Africa Faith and Justice Network, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Friends of the Congo, the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative Group, Reporters without Borders, the Committee to Protect Journalists and the Greens/European Free Alliance, have also called for a free and fair election in Rwanda and an end to civil and human rights abuses.

This is advocacy within a very narrow, very contradictory political space, that of Western parliamentary democracy within the larger context of an unsustainable Western scramble for Africa’s energy and mineral resources, driven by the West’s unsustainable, growth-driven culture and economy.

Ann Garrison is an independent journalist and contributor to the San Francisco Bay View, Global Research, Digital Journal, KPFA and KMEC Radio News, and her own blog, Plutocracy Now: the War and Plunder Report. More of her radio/video reports available on YouTube.

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On Genocide Anniversary, Rwanda Needs Political Reform

Written by Susan Thomson for Africa Portal

Dr. Susan Thomson

April 7, 2011 marks the seventeenth anniversary of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, where more than 800,000 lives were lost when Hutu-led, state-based militia goaded neighbours to kill neighbouring Tutsis. The anniversary is a time to pause and reflect on the progress the country has made since the genocide, and to ask if mass political violence could again happen in this East African country.
By most accounts, Rwanda is a nation rehabilitated. State institutions have been rebuilt and roads, bridges, and airports have been restored and in some areas, upgraded. Rwanda is a leader on the African continent in terms of service delivery in education and health.  The Rwandan government and a coterie of friends that include Hollywood celebrities, professional athletes, western philanthropists, diplomats and donors project this message of rehabilitation and dismiss any critical accounts to the contrary as absurd. The Rwandan government and these “friends of Rwanda” also dismiss the notion that Rwanda’s post-genocide reconstruction and reconciliation policies could be setting the stage for another round of political violence.
Most outsiders fail to recognize the lack of political freedoms and economic inequalities that confront Rwandans who are not members of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).  The vast majority of Rwandans—Hutu and Tutsi alike—who survived the genocide remain politically marginalized, extremely poor, and in many cases, traumatized by what they have lived through. Daily life for many is characterized by lack of food, clean water, and affordable and proximate health services, while the elite enjoy European coffee houses, wireless internet hotspots, new housing and shopping malls, accessible health care and other services.  The gap between urban elites and the rural citizenry – some 90 percent of Rwandans live in rural areas – has never been larger.
It is this growing socio-economic inequity between the ruling elite and average Rwandans that makes another round of political violence possible. In order to maintain the peace, international actors active in Rwanda, and the broader Great Lakes Region of Africa, must push the RPF towards a real democratic opening. They must press President Paul Kagame to create space for national dialogue, meaning an open and safe space where all Rwandans can meet to discuss the genocide, and to strategize ways to move forward from the hurt of the past. This is particularly important after the recent release of a UN report detailing allegations of systematic killings of Rwandan Hutu by the RPF in eastern Congo before, during and after the 1994 genocide.
There are two things that the “friends of Rwanda” can do to encourage a more open and peaceful political culture until Paul Kagame is expected to step down in 2017.
The first is to question the current government's ability to manage Rwanda's people and natural resources. The US State Department estimates that by 2020, Rwanda will be home to 13 million people—up from the 11 million in 2011—making it the most densely populated country in Africa with 225 people per square mile. Over 90 percent of Rwandans are subsistence farmers and will be the first to suffer when the central government is unable to respond to their daily needs. The government requires rural farmers to grow coffee and tea for export instead of subsistence crops. A new land policy has decreased peasant holdings to less than a half-acre making it difficult for farmers to feed their families. The RPF does not allow peasant farmers to voice concerns about the agricultural policies and the inequitable distribution of land among government loyalists.
An underfed and disaffected local population is hardly a good starting point toward building a sustainable peace and democracy. The friends of Rwanda, led by Rwanda’s international donors, will need to pressure the RPF in order to ensure that agricultural and land policies are aimed to developing long-term peace and security, not quick gains for party loyalists.
Second, Kagame will need encouragement to engage the diverse political views of the Rwandan diaspora. Kagame must be made to acknowledge that criticisms exist alongside the positive involvement of the diaspora in Rwanda's economic development. As incentive, he can take note of the diaspora’s contribution of nearly US$130 million to Rwanda's economy in 2010 (second only to tourist receipts). To date, Western donors have failed to seriously push Kagame to engage dissident opinion within the diaspora. For Kagame, sincere dissidents who criticize RPF policy are lumped with political extremists such as the FDLR (Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda) rebel group, making it easy to justify their exclusion from the Rwandan political sphere. A sincere distinction should be made, and friends of Rwanda and donors can encourage government engagement with all sectors of the diaspora as part of the broader strategy of political openness and dialogue.
The RPF is now under increased scrutiny from its core constituency—educated, urban Tutsi. Many of these individuals, especially Anglophone Tutsi who had returned after the 1994 genocide,have lost faith in the post-genocide reconstruction and development vision of a government that they now consider corrupt and nepotistic. It was significant, and perhaps most worrying for Kagame, that this group of vocal critics includes several senior military officers—among them former army chief Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa and Théogene Rudasingwa, a former major and ambassador to the US, who have both joined hands and formed the Rwanda National Congress (RNC) in December 2010. Analysts believe that Gen. Nyamwasa commands considerable sympathy among the military rank-and-file, making the threat of a coup a possibility for the first time since 1994. Indeed, Gen. Nyamwasa has intimated in recent press appearances that he is prepared to unseat Kagame by force if necessary.
It is critical on this seventeenth anniversary of the genocide that friends of Rwanda begin to push their governments and other international actors to revisit their support for Kagame in order to avoid future violence.

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International Community Must Pull Côte d’Ivoire from the Abyss

Image via Wikipedia

INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP - NEW MEDIA RELEASE

Brussels, 3 April 2011: Mass killings and extreme violence are unfolding in Abidjan. Côte d’Ivoire’s civil war between forces supporting president elect Alassane Ouattara and those loyal to Laurent Gbagbo has deteriorated into major urban warfare in the commercial capital. In other parts of the country, particularly in the western city of Duékoué, where large-scale massacres have already occurred, the death toll could reach thousands within days. Gbagbo has now called for full military mobilisation to protect his palace and other key installations as a last-stand effort.
The situation demands an immediate ceasefire by both parties to avoid further massive civilian casualties, and Gbagbo’s acceptance of Ouattara as president. Gbagbo, who lost the presidential election in November, bears primary responsibility for bringing the country, and the West African region, to the abyss by not accepting the results of the polls and choosing to fight instead. At the same time, forces loyal to Ouattara, who have rapidly taken ground across Côte d’Ivoire in recent days amidst credible reports of atrocities, must accept that their military campaign has to end now.
In addition, the following steps should be taken:

• The UN mission (ONUCI) must deploy all its available formed police units (FPUs) within Abidjan, as well as military troops, and reinforce its presence in the west of the country, particularly in and around Duékoué, Guiglo, Blolequin, Toulepleu and Daloa. Troop contributing countries should also accelerate deployment of soldiers up to their maximum mandated capacity of 11,000 (as opposed to 9,000 on the ground now).
• The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union should mobilise all international partners, including the EU and the US, to bolster ONUCI’s efforts.
• Ouattara, the Forces républicaines and its commanders, including Prime Minister Guillaume Soro and their regional sponsors, should take all measures to ensure respect for international humanitarian law. They should understand that international support for Ouattara’s election victory, and his legitimacy, will quickly evaporate if their military campaign becomes responsible for mass atrocity crimes.

The situation in Côte d’Ivoire is as urgent as any facing the international community right now. The unthinkable is unfolding before our eyes, and in a region where the world has invested so much in peace and security in recent years. Action must be bold, effective and immediate.

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KAGAME’S ESCORT ALOYS RUYENZI GIVES AN EYE WITNESS ON WHO KILLED HABYALIMANA

MAJOR GENERAL PAUL KAGAME BEHIND THE SHOOTING DOWN OF LATE HABYARIMANA’S PLANE: AN EYE WITNESS TESTIMONY

I have been keenly following talks on allegations of crimes committed by Paul Kagame, leader of Rwanda, and 

My name is Aloys Ruyenzi, I was born on 1^st March 1971 in Mbarara, Uganda of Rwandan refugee parents. I grew up in Uganda and I joined the National Resistance Army of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in 1987. I had a six-month course in Basic Military Training, after which I attended a six-month course in military intelligence. After the training, I was posted in the 23^rd battalion based in northern Uganda, as intelligence staff. A year later, I was called back to Kampala and posted at the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), where Kagame was a senior officer. While in DMI, I was selected for another course called “the Intelligence and Self-Defence”. When I fled the country, I was working in the Republican Guard, an RPA (Rwanda Patriotic Army) special unit that provides elements for the Presidential Protection Unit. I was Second Lieutenant and my army number was OP1460.

I joined RPA since its creation

When the Rwandan Patriotic Front attacked Rwanda on 1st October 1990, I was among the fighters. First I was with the 4th battalion operating in the Akagera National Park, until we were pushed back to Uganda and started guerrilla warfare. I then joined the then LIMA Combined Mobile Force, from where I eventually joined the High Command Unit. This is equivalent to army headquarters in a regular army. However unlike the latter the unit’s main duty was to escort Major Kagame, then RPA boss. I first was in the missile unit, before being appointed in the escort of Kagame.

1.            When I joined the escort, I resumed my duties as intelligence officer. I would be most of the time close to Kagame as a member of the close bodyguards’ team. In this capacity, I hardly missed any detail of what he would say or instruct to be done. Hence, my testimony is not a piece of hearsays, but a testimony of an eyewitness.

2.            After the take over of government by RPF, I once again attended courses in military intelligence and Protection of VIPs. I took up duties as a presidential bodyguard. When the invasion of Zaire started, I was sent there as one of the confidants of Kagame to follow and give detailed account of any military operation that took place. This was in a bid to make sure that he did not miss any detail by sending his own escorts. The crimes that I witnessed there are so much that I cannot detail them here. I was there on special assignment as member of the Republican Guards unit. I will do it in a different paper once I have time. What I can simply say for the time being is that a lot of crimes that were committed by the RPA were ordered by Kagame.

3.            People were killed on a very large scale on orders of Kagame and officers who did not carry out orders to kill were either relieved of their duties or disappeared. Kagame does not tolerate anybody disobeying his orders. Similarly, during the time the RPA was fighting the so-called “infiltrators” in northern Rwanda in Ruhengeri and Gisenyi, many unarmed Hutu civilians were killed in what looked like a true ethnic cleansing. I opposed those atrocities, until I was labelled as an enemy collaborator.

Reasons for fleeing the country I love so much and I fought for

1.            As I said earlier, I joined and served RPA[1][1] since its creation. When I joined it, I sincerely believed that I was struggling to end injustice towards our brothers, our parents and our motherland, and eventually to return home. In any case, this is what we were told. I never envisaged that our return would lead to killings and expulsion of the population we found inside the country. To my dismay, I realised that our leader and current President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame had a hidden agenda. To make matters worse, he would not tolerate any dissenting voice and opposing his orders could even lead to disappearance.

2.            I had the misfortune of working in his escort, where the climate is abominable. There is a permanent climate of terror and mistrust, as everybody spies on everybody else. I was intelligence officer, but I knew very well that I was myself being spied on.

3.            The intelligence officers do not carry out ordinary military intelligence work they are paid for. They are a squad of criminals that was set up by Kagame for his own ends. Its sole mission is killings opponents and other unwanted elements, so as to consolidate his murderous regime. It is therefore very difficult to work with him, more so as intelligence officer without adhering to his criminal policies. My aim now is that before I am eliminated I want make public a list of assassinations ordered personally by Kagame. The list is indeed very long.

4.            I defected because I was realising that we were becoming a gang of killers. I could not stomach that situation which was contrary to what we fought for, that it is fighting for restoring a rule of law.

5.            But it took time before I could flee for fear of being arrested and killed as a deserter. I feared being killed by the butt of a used hoe agafuni. The latter is the acronym given to the part of a hoe that RPA used to smash heads of people condemned to death. It is very sad that I kept on working deliberately with a man whose criminal records are so horrendous.

6.            The opposition to atrocities planned and ordered by Kagame landed me in trouble as this was considered as tantamount to treason. In fact I was being suspected of possible treasonable acts. I was eventually trailed and attempts were made over my life. I was by now labelled as one of the so-called “negative forces”. This was a label given to Interahamwe militia living in Zaire. I was even accused of having released Interahamwe in Nkamira-Gisenyi and put under arrest. This was mere fabrication. Not only there is no Interahamwe prison there, but also I never released anybody with evidence that he was involved in killings. There is no way I could show mercy to such people. I will emphasize here that I do not refer to those innocent Hutus who were labelled Interahamwe because simply by virtue of being Hutus.

7.            By the time I worked with the Gendarmerie, people who were detained there were suspected of common law crimes mostly related to land and cattle disputes. I was unfairly arrested on 8^th June 1999. Those who arrested me eventually got ashamed and I was released and allowed to resume my duties in the escort of Kagame.

My escape from many traps

1.            After allegations of conniving with the enemy were levelled against me simply because I did not support killings innocent people, attempts were made to get rid of me in ambushes. The first time I survived an ambush was in Gisenyi on my way to Kabaya thanks to a friend who had warned me. It was on 13th April 1999.

2.            I did also escape narrowly a second attempt on my life, but my escort perished. One was called James Kabera, a private soldier, the other one was Hodari, a Mugogwe (a local ethnic Tutsi group of Gisenyi). It was on 15^th May 2001. I was again going to Gisenyi on special assignment. I was ambushed in the mountains of Buranga in Ruhengeri. This time around, I had not been warned at all, as I could not imagine that I could be ambushed while on such a mission. I did not understand why I had been selected for the mission but even if I had known, I could not refuse the order. A vehicle trailed me right from Kigali and kept on indicating my position. The Toyota Land cruiser vehicle that I was in was sprayed with bullets and two of my escort were killed on the spot. I don’t know how I survived.

3.            The last attempt on my life was on 18^th November 2001. This had been assigned to two groups to ensure that I don’t escape anymore. One of the people involved felt bad and told me to flee, as he did not have any quarrel with me. The same day I fled to Uganda.

4.            I was first kept under tight surveillance, under CMI (Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence) custody purportedly for my own security. When they gathered enough information and confirmed that I was a genuine asylum seeker, I was allowed to go out and look for shelter. I realised that I could not remain in Uganda, as Rwandan intelligence services there are even more active that Ugandan own services. Many Rwandan asylum seekers were picked there and sneaked back to Rwanda where they were tortured and killed. This is why I decided to go far from Rwanda in my quest for asylum. I am now in a place where I can denounce the atrocities committed by General Paul Kagame and his henchmen. I insisted on giving all these details in order to explain the difficulties faced by an RPA soldier who does not support what Kagame wants. I am hoping that slowly by slowly, the tendency of considering all Tutsi officers as killers will vanish in the minds of many people.

General Kagame did a lot of atrocities, he must answer for them

A.    Kagame’s record.

1.            General Kagame is of quite a very bad character. He is extremely nervous, so much so that at time he can crash everything on his way and ransack a whole house. He does not tolerate any dissenting voice, what he says is gospel truth. I worked with him for a long time. He does not tolerate any advice and is trigger-happy. Once one of his close allies simply tells him that you are suspected of disloyalty, this is enough to warrant your death.

2.            Kagame can spend a whole month without smiling. He can spend sleepless night abusing people and roughing them up. He does not spare anybody, he beats people at random. Anybody summoned at his home starts shaking excepts henchmen like Major general James Kabarebe. Other officers up to the rank of colonel like Ndugutse could be beaten to our disgust. He is a bloodthirsty person. When I worked with him, he would go very early in the morning to visit detention places of DMI[2][2] to sometime supervise killing. I recall once in Muhura when we were fighting to capture Kigali, he personally went on a 12.7mm AAC (anti air craft) mounted on a jeep of his escort and sprayed bullets on a peaceful market crowd of peasants gathered on a market place. It was in 1994. He then ordered his soldiers to use all available weapons and shell the market. It is very saddening to see a leader getting involved in massacring people in a market, while sarcastically laughing. The few times you will ever see him smiling is mainly when he is killing or seeing people killed.

General Paul Kagame supervises the smallest detail of everything going on in the army. He even follows conversations between soldiers on military patrols on their walkie-talkie radios.

1.            Every morning, he summons his signal officer and reads through all operations and routine army messages, to make sure that he does not miss anything. He uses to short circuit his military commanding officers by giving direct orders to field commanders without passing through the chain of command. Here I simply want to stress that there is nothing he can pretend to ignore. Nothing can take place within RPA without his knowledge. Apart from very isolated incidents carried out by petty criminals, all atrocities committed by the army in operational areas are sanctioned by him. The officers detained for so-called operational blunders are in actual facts detained because they did not kill the way he wants. They are not in remand for killing civilians, but for not concealing their bodies. For him that is a crime. The one who manages to kill the maximum and clear all the evidence will surely be promoted.

2.            Major general Paul Kagame manages Rwandan army as his own militiamen. The whole army has become a wide intelligence network. When there are officially 5 intelligence officers, you can rest assured that there are another 20 under cover. There is no clear chain of command in the intelligence network, everybody spies on everybody else and reports to Major General Paul Kagame in person. Kagame is a very rough and security cautious person. He has got a network of criminals who are by this virtue untouchable. They are ready to carry out any dirty mission that Kagame assigns them. Those people are so deadly that nobody dares flee the country because they may be tracked anywhere and be killed. Kagame does not fear anybody. He does not care even about his health. He sleeps at 2.30 am and wakes up at 4.00 am. He does what he wants, when he wants. He is very stubborn and arrogant. He does not hesitate to call his entourage stupid people because he thinks that he is the cleverest man. He does not trust anybody and is very unpredictable.

B. Some of the crimes he committed or ordered

1.            Major general Paul Kagame personally ordered the shooting down of President Juvénal Habyarimana’s plane.

2.            I got astonished when I heard him denying it. I equally got surprised by Rwandan Radio and some international media manoeuvre to absolve him of that act. I heard even civilian people like Minister Charles Muligande, trying to explain how militarily it was impossible.

25.  25. Let me make it crystal clear, I attended the last meeting where the plan was hatched. I was there physically and I even know the names of those who carried out the shooting. I was working with them in the High Command unit. It is Lt Frank Nziza and cpl Eric Hakizimana.

1.            It is not hearsays; I was present when the meeting took place. That was on 31^st March 1994 from 2.30pm to 3.30pm.The Chairman of the meeting was Major general Paul Kagame, and the following officers were present: Col Kayumba Nyamwasa, Col Théoneste Lizinde, Lt Col James Kabarebe, Major Jacob Tumwine, Captain Charles Karamba. I heard P. Kagame asking Col. Lizinde to report about his investigations and I have seen Col Lizinde giving to Paul Kagame a map of the selected place for the plane shooting etc. I don’t want to jeopardise the investigation, because I would be playing around with criminals who would take the opportunity to prepare their defence. But I simply want to say that I am ready to give evidence in court, should my testimony be needed. I would then say the whole truth, if I were still alive.

C.     Major general Paul Kagame gave orders to kill civilians.

1.            He ordered at numerous occasions to kill as many civilians as possible. This took place in many areas in Byumba, Ruhengeri and elsewhere, and long before the Tutsi genocide. I say so because some people think that RPA killed in reprisal after the genocide. Even during the genocide, I saw and heard on several occasions major general Paul Kagame giving orders to kill civilians, especially in Mutara, Byumba and Kibungo. He would enjoy it like a football fan watching a football game and cheering his team. At time, he even used his escort or selected DMI operatives to kill civilians.

28.  28. Before the plan to get rid of Juvénal Habyarimana was hatched, meeting had been going on to prepare the final assault on Kigali. This had been the ultimate goal whatever the outcome of the negotiations. At that time, I was acting I.O for then Lt Silas Udahemuka (currently strong man in Kigali), who had got involved in an accident. In this capacity, I could attend all the meetings of the High Command. In one of the meetings, major general Paul Kagame ordered that civilians be lured into attending a public rally under the pretext of emergency food supply or security meetings, in order to round them up and eliminate them. And this happened the way it had been planned. The reality is that mass killings of people took place under his orders. Furthermore, he had a special hatred against religious people. Whenever the latter would be spotted and rounded up, local commanders would always ask major General Kagame what to do. Invariably, he ordered for their killings. I am even aware of the talks he had with Lieutenant colonel Fred Ibingira before the bishops were killed in Kabgayi. Similar incidents happened in Rwesero. The execution squad took the priests to Karushya and killed them.

D.The sparking off of the Tutsi genocide. I was in charge of collecting and analysing intelligence from our sources inside Rwanda.

All the reports were unanimously stating that Tutsi would be wiped out if the war resumed. Any pretext would be enough to kick off the killings. Major general Paul Kagame did not care at all about those threats. Recently, when one of former RPA officers who deserted and fled the country said that RPA was to blame for the killing of Tutsi, Rwandan foreign affairs minister, Charles Muligande attempted against all odds to refute it. Why does he so pathetically tell lies? It will suffice to recall that Kagame himself used to say that Tutsi living inside Rwanda were opportunists and reactionary elements that had refused to flee. Their death was none of his concerns. In fact, all the forces that were used to kill innocent civilians in liberated areas would have been used to rescue Tutsi. This did not happen. God willing, I will, jointly with other colleagues, compile a comprehensive report about ethnic cleansing that was ordered by Kagame. At times, he did it personally. I saw him personally instructing for the digging of mass graves for people who had been massacred in Byumba, Muhura and Murambi. Later, he ordered their removal and to be taken to crematory centres in Gabiro, Nasho, Masaka, Nyungwe, Kami, Gitarama military barracks and Mukamira. At times, people would be packed alive into lorries and be taken directly to the above place to be executed on the spot.

Apart from the war of 1990-1994, he launched two bloody wars in Zaire and is still disturbing that country.

Major general Paul Kagame also instructed his officers and men led by then Col Kayumba Nyamwasa to massacre civilians in Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. I saw personally heavy artillery pieces and helicopter gunship shelling villages under the excuse of fighting insurgency. At time, no single infiltrators would have set foot there, or they may have been there but left long before the counterattack. People would be summarily executed after long suffering by torture.

32.  32. He did not spare his own tribes mates Tutsi. Bagogwe and Banyamulenge of Zaire were killed to safeguard his own selfish interests. It is not easy to find the right wording, but what he did is indescribable. He killed so many Congolese of Rwandan origin, Hutu and Tutsi alike. This will also be detailed later. We were Inkotanyi-members of RPA, we know all the elements who were misguided into getting involved in crimes. People should be assured that soon or later, all crimes that took place on the Rwandan soil will be accounted for. It will serve as a lesson for many, for one may conceal a crime, but the crime does not conceal itself.

33.  33. I take this opportunity to call upon all Rwandan fighting the general Kagame’s regime, to avoid getting involved in any activities that would lead to shedding the blood of innocent people. Kagame concealed his crimes for nearly 10 years, but time has come to expose him. All criminals will end up being taken to court to answer for their deeds. Why do they take the risk of being arrested one day and spend the rest of their lives in prison?

E.The refusal to rescue Tutsi in 1994

34.  34. I cannot forget the pain that general Kagame inflicted to Rwandan of Tutsi ethnic group, his own tribe mates. Some were even killed on his orders. Others were deliberately left at the mercy of Interahamwe. He made sure that nobody comes to their rescue. Up-to-date, he is still pursuing his policy by repeating in Congo what he did in Rwanda. Why is he busy creating hatred between Banyamulenge minority and the rest of the Congolese population? Is it for the interest of Tutsis? Even in Rwanda, he does not spare anything to exacerbate tension between ethnic groups, by his policy of forced reconciliation. What he does will inevitably lead to a new wave of ethnic conflict and Tutsi will again be the main victims. I hereby condemn it publicly, I urge him to stop forthwith killing us, causing us to be killed and using us as political springboard. I urge him to leave our country and the region in peace. As I promised, with the help of courageous colleagues who managed to flee his death squads, we shall compile a comprehensive report of all atrocities General Paul Kagame was involved in. I deliberately refrained from talking about politics. I leave it to others more competent to denounce his dictatorship.

I know very well that people will ask themselves why a Tutsi who came from Uganda for that matter can leak such secrets, as people think that all former Ugandan refugees are all in good books with the regime of general Kagame.

For me, I am not leaking secrets, I am denouncing crimes. There are many people who are longing to do so, but who cannot because they don’t have the opportunity. For to say such thing inside Rwanda or anywhere in Africa would put somebody’s life in great danger. I spoke out because I have a chance of being in a country where I feel safe. I don’t rule out reprisals against my family left in Rwanda, but I am doing it anyway to avoid more suffering for all Rwandans. My prayer is that the international community at long last takes the opportunity to put an end to its support to general Kagame’s regime, which is decimating people under the pretext of protecting Tutsi. Everything is done for his own interest. , 05/07/2004 2^nd  Lt Aloys RUYENZI

                                                                        (Signed)

                             Contact :aruyenzi2000@yahoo.com

El mes de juliol d’enguany es produïa un segon testimoni en la mateixa línia que el d’Abdul Ruzibiza. Aloys Ruyenzi, un altre exmilitar de l’FPR que també havia fugit a Uganda per por a ser assassinat pels caps del seu exèrcit que havia , igual que Abdul, ha escapat de diferents atemptats contra la seva vida des del moment que l’actual règim ruandès el va considerar poc fidel. Ara els dos, gràcies al treball de la Fundació s’Olivar, han pogut arribar a un país europeu on estan més segurs, i per això han pogut donar el seu testimoni    

Quan el Front Patriòtic Ruandès (FPR) va atacar Rwanda, l’1 d’octubre de 1990, jo era entre els combatents. Formava part d’una unitat encarregada d’escortar el comandant Kagame, aleshores cap de l’Exèrcit Patriòtic Ruandès (APR). Pocs detalls se’m van escapar del que ell va dir o de les ordres que va donar. Són tants els crims que he presenciat que no els puc mencionar aquí. Sota les ordres de Kagame, s’ha assassinat gent a gran escala. Mentre l’FPR combatia els anomenats infiltrats al nord-oest de Rwanda, molts civils hutus desarmats van ser assassinats en el que pot ser considerat com una veritable neteja ètnica. Vaig ingressar a l’APR perquè creia sincerament que lluitaria per acabar amb la injustícia cap als nostres germans i eventualment tornar a casa. Mai vaig imaginar que el nostre retorn portaria a l’assassinat i expulsió de la població de l’interior del país. Per a la meva consternació, em vaig adonar que el nostre líder i actual president de Rwanda, Paul Kagame, té una agenda oculta.

Hi ha un comando d’oficials d’intel·ligència establerts per Kagame per als seus propis fins. La seva única missió és assassinar els oponents i altres elements indesitjats a fi de consolidar el seu règim sanguinari. Ara el meu objectiu, abans que em puguin eliminar, és de publicar una llista dels assassinats ordenats personalment per Kagame. La llista és certament molt llarga.

El general Kagame té un caràcter molt dolent. És extremadament nerviós. No tolera cap veu dissident. N’hi ha prou que un dels seus sequaços li digui que ets sospitós de deslleialtat perquè ordeni la teva mort. Kagame pot passar un mes sencer sense riure. És un home assedegat de sang. Quan jo treballava amb ell, anava molt d’hora al matí a veure els llocs de detenció on a vegades supervisava els assassinats. Me’n recordo una vegada a Muhura, quan combatíem per prendre Kigali, que va venir personalment en un jeep i la seva escorta i va disparar contra el pacífic mercat ple de pagesos.Va ordenar als seus soldats de fer servir tota mena d’armes i massacrar la gent del mercat.

 No se li escapa res del que passa a l’interior de l’APR. A part d’alguns incidents insignificants, totes les atrocitats comeses per l’exèrcit en zones operacionals són sancionades per ell. Els oficials detinguts per les anomenades operacions fracassades, de fet estan detinguts perquè no van matar de la manera que ell volia. No estan empresonats per matar civils, sinó per no amagar els seus cossos. Per a ell, això és un crim. El que aconsegueix matar el màxim i netejar tota evidència ben segur que serà promocionat.

 Kagame no té por de ningú. No es preocupa per la seva salut. Se’n va a dormir a quarts de dues de la nit i es lleva a les quatre. Fa el que vol i quan vol. És molt tossut i arrogant. No dubta a titllar la gent del seu voltant de gent estúpida perquè ell es creu que és molt llest. No confia en ningú i és molt imprevisible.

Va ordenar moltes vegades de matar tants civils com fos possible. Això va passar en llocs com Byumba, Ruhengeri i altres llocs, i molt abans del genocidi contra els tutsis. Ho dic perquè hi ha gent que es pensa que l’APR va matar com a venjança després del genocidi. Fins i tot durant el genocidi vaig veure i sentir moltes vegades al general Kagame donant ordres de matar civils, especialment a Mutara, Byumba i Kibungo.

Kagame havia dit que els tutsis que vivien a l’interior del país eren uns elements oportunistes i reaccionaris que no havien volgut fugir. La seva mort no el preocupava. De fet, totes les forces que es van fer servir per matar civils innocents a les zones alliberades, podien haver servit per alliberar els tutsis. Això no va passar.

His attempts against all odds to deny them. I deem it necessary to inform Rwandans and the international community at large of the crimes I witnessed in the hope that he would stop deceiving people. It took quite a long time before I decided to make public this statement because I was in Uganda, where Kagame has a lot of covert agents who would have eliminated me. I know him very well because I worked with him in the Rwandese Patriotic Army since its creation. More so, I served in his escort for nearly 10 years, until I fled the country.

THE PARTY FDU-INKINGI IS DEEPLY CONCERNED ABOUT CONTINUED PERSECUTION AND DISAPPEARANCE OF PEOPLE IN RWANDA

by Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza for President on Saturday, April 2, 2011 at 2:23pm

Kigali, March 22, 2011
THE PARTY FDU-INKINGI IS DEEPLY CONCERNED ABOUT CONTINUED PERSECUTION AND DISAPPEARANCE OF PEOPLE IN RWANDA

Acts of persecution and disappearance of people are still reported across the country.  What is seriouslly worrying is the role of state security operatives in the kidnappings or the arbitrary detentions of civilians while their respective families are not being informed on the whereabouts of their loved ones. It is feared that some of the missing people who have been kidnapped may not be found alive.
Below are few examples of these disappearances:

• MUGANGA KARERA:
According to his family, MUGANGA KARERA, who is originally from the District of RWAMAGANA and resident of KIGALI City, has been  kidnapped by security operatives on May 16, 2010. As of today, his whereabouts remain unknown despite numerous searches and inquiries by his family to the state security sevices;
• HAVUGINTWALI Lambert:
Resident of NGOMA sector, District of HUYE, Southern Province, and Professor at the National University of Rwanda (NUR), HAVUGINTWALI Lambert disappeared on February 9, 2011 as shown by the letter dated on March 9, 2011 that his wife desperately wrote to President Paul Kagame begging for help. It is obvious that this individual has been kidnapped by plain clothes police officers. His whereabouts are still unknown though his vehicle was found in the parking of a local police station. The modus operandi is the same like the case above.
• NIYONAGIZE Aloys:
He was nabbed by the police at KIMICANGA, in KIGALI City on March 10, 2011 while on his way from a local grocery. Eight days later, on March 18, 2011, he was found in intensive care unit at  the Kigali main public hospital,  Centre Hospitalier Universitaire de Kigali (CHUK) with serious injuries on thighs, buttocks, arms and the head. Signs of concussion were under examination as well. What is troubling is that his family has been told that he was taken to hospital by the police which had arrested him in good health a few days earlier.

• We are still investigating allegations on the kidnapping of several people in the District of RUSIZI (KAMASERA, NYABAGENI, KIJIBANDA) in early March 2011. Some of the victims resurfaced in RWESERO and NTENDEZI police detention facilities without informing their respective families about the charges and conditions of detention. 

We strongly denounce these criminal acts involving state security organs. Their primary mission should be to ensure the security and the rights of all citizens. If these people are accused of any crime, their families should be fully informed about all the charges and locations of detention and be allowed to visit them on a regular basis.
The government should respect the provisional detention regulations and make sure that any person suspected of any crime appears before a judge within the legal timeframe.
The government should prosecute the abuse of authority and position and must cover all medical expenses incurred by the victims of such barbaric acts.

For FDU-INKINGI
Boniface TWAGIRIMANA
Interim Vice President

Umusirikare Sgt Nsabagasani Dominic yahanuriye Kagame uburyo azicwa n’inshuti ye

Adapted from Inyenyeri News    Wednesday, 30 March 2011 19:50

Mu bimenyetso yamuhaye hasigaye  1 gusa.

Mu kiganiro ikinyamakuru Inyenyerinews cyagiranye na Sgt Nsabagasani Dominic, yatubwiye ko Imana yamweretse  ko ubutegetsi bwa Kagame bugeze mu gihe cyabwo cya nyuma, kandi yabimubwiye, ariko ntiyabiha agaciro, atubwira kandi ko nambere y’urupfu rwa Habyarimana yabimubwiye nawe ngo ntiyabyumva.

Abantu beshi bakunze kuvuga ko ubutegetsi bwa Kagame buri mu marembera, bavuga ko ari ubuhanuzi Imana ibahaye, ariko akeshi nta muntu wigeze ujya ahagaragara ngo atange amazina ye, avuge n’uko bizagenda mu ruhame. Ikinyamakuru Inyenyerinews cyegereye umunyarwanda wahoze ari umusirikare wa Habyarimana akaza no kuba umusirikare wa FPR atubwira uko Imana ngo yamweretse amarembera y’Ingoma ya Kagame, ndetse adusaba  gutangaza ubuhanuzi bwe uko bwakabaye ntakintu nakimwe twibagiwe, kuko ari amagambo y’Imana, kandi ngo ikaba imutegeka kubitangaza mu banyarwanda .

Twamubajije niba kubitangaza bitamutera ikibazo cy’umutekano we, atubwira ko we ntakibazo afite kuko azi iby’Imana yamubwiye kandi ariyo yamutumye, bityo ngo kutabitangaza nibyo bibi kuri we kuruta kubitangaza.

Sgt Nsabagasani Dominic ni muntu ki?

Ni umunyarwanda wo mu bwoko bw’abatutsi, yavukiye mu cyahoze ari Gitarama, 1971, ahitwa Musambira, yatubwiye ko akimara kuvuka Mamawe yahise yitaba Imana nyuma y’ibyumweru bibiri, hashize ukwezi na Papa we aba arapfuye, ngo yarerewe kwa sekuru nawe waje kwicwa muri jenoside y’abatutsi muri 1994.

Mu 1992 yinjiye mugisirikare cya Habyarimana, arangije inyigisho za gisirikare yanjiye muri Batayo ya 71 yabaga Bugesera, Gako, nyuma ngo ajya Byumba, ahava yinjira muri  Batayo ya Paracomando yabaga i Kanombe ngo icyo gihe yari afite ipeti rya Premier solda / R. Caporal. Yatubwiye ko ngo yinjiye igisirikare ari umukatorika ariko ngo yaje guhinduka aba umurokore.

Ahanurira Habyarimana.

Muri 1993 yarose inzozi zirimo iyerekwa, hanyuma yumva ijwi rimubwira ko ngo agomba kubibwira Habyarimana ko ingoma ye irangiye kandi bazica abantu beshi, ariko agira ubwoba bwo kubivuga kuko yacyekaga ko ari buhite yicwa, nyuma ngo ijwi rya komeje kumuhata, aza gushirika ubwoba ara bivuga, ahereye kubasirikare bose babanaga muri iyo Batayo ya Para commando. Nyuma ngo yaje kubibwira Majoro Ntabakunzi Aloyozi  wari umukuru w’iyo Batayo ya para commondo yabagamo ( ubu Maj. Ntabakunzi afungiye Arusha), ndetse amusaba ko abibwira Habyarimana kuko ngo Imana ariko yari yamutegetse.

Abo basirikare  ngo ntibabyumvaga batangira kuvuga ko aribyo yatumwe na bene wabo kuko ngo yari umututsi, bimuviramo ingaruka zikomeye zo kwangwa n’abasirikare babanaga,ariko ngo Imana imubwira ko atazicwa. Nyuma ngo Maj Ntabakunzi yaje kubibwira Habyarimana, ngo ategekwa ko agomba kurindirwa mu kigo cya gisirikare i Kanombe ntasoheke.

Indege ya Habyarimana imaze guhanurwa, ngo yari mu kigo i Kanombe, naho bavuga ko ngo yari abiziranyeho nabene wabo baba tutsi, yajyanywe mu kigo cy’abasirikare barindaga Habyarima ( Camp GP) ku Kimihurura, ajyanywe kwicwa, ariko ngo Imana ikomeze kumuha isezerano ryo kuzabaho ntiyicwe.

Ajya kwicwa Inuma imuhagarara ku mutwe abasirikare bagira ubwoba.

Ku itariki ya 7 Gicurasi, 1994, abasirikare abahawe amabwiriza yo kujya kumwica, bamutwara hanze y’ikigo ahegereye ahantu ngo bita Murugando, bakigerayo abasirakare bari gushaka ahantu ho kumwicira bagihagaze ngo hamanuka Inuma ihagarara ku mutwe we abasirikare barwana no kuyirukana ariko iranga, barwana nayo nk’iminota 5 yanze bariruka bagira ubwoba. Babibwira abari babohereje bamusubiza mu kigo batangira kumugirara ikizere ko yatumwe n’Imana. Ariko bategeka ko atagomba kurenga icyo  kigo cya Camp G P ( Umutwe warindaga Habyarimana).

Yinjira mu gisirikare cya FPR.

Ku itariki ya 3 Kamena ngo hapanzwe kumwica bwa kabili, ariko ngo  umwe mu basirikare babanaga, yamubwiye  ko bapanze kongera kumwica,  ndetse ngo amufasha gutoroka, yanyuze  Kivugiza i Nyamirambo, yinjira ahari abasirikare ba FPR, asanga abari kuburinzi basinziriye bose, arabakangura  afite imbunda yambaye n’imyenda ya gisirikare, umwe ngo ashaka kumurasa,ariko  amubwira ko atari umwanzi ntiyabasha kumurasa. Yajyanywe  kwa Lt Col Nzaramba ubu usigaye ari Maj Gen muri RDF,niwe wari ukuriye abo basirikare ba FPR bari bo muri Batayo ya 21 yari aho.

Avuga ko agezeyo yahise yerekwa n’Imana ko  Kigali izaba ifashwe ku itariki 4 Nyakanga 1994 abibwira Nzaramba. Nyuma yo gufata Stade ya Nyamirambo, ikibuga cy’Indege i Kanombe, yajyanywe kuruhuka, amara umwaka wose ntacyo Imana imubwira.

Ahabwa ubuhanuzi kuri Kagame muri 1996 agatekwa nawe kubimubwira.

Nyuma ngo yaje kuryama nanone yerekwa ukuntu Kagame azapfa, kandi ategekwa kubivuga, ngo muri iryo yerekwa yeretswe . Ngo yabonye Kagame araswa n’imwe mu nshuti ze zimuri hafi, ariko atashoboye kumenya izina neza cyangwa kwerekwa isura. Nyuma ngo Imana yaje kumuha ibimenyetso, avuga ko ibyo byose yabyeretswe ari Gisenyi muri Batayo ya 31.

Bimwe mu bimenyetso yahawe  bizagaragaza ko kwicwa kwa Kagame kuri hafi.

Kuko ubu butumwa yabuhawe ari 1996, harimo kujya Kongo kw’abasirikare no kuvayo gucyurwa kw’impunzi nyishi zari zarahunze u Rwanda ;  intambara y’abacengenzi  no kurangira kwayo ; Kagame aba perezida , no kwamamara kwe hirya nohino ku isi ;  ifungurwa ry’abanyururu ;  agahe k’amahoro ; gahunda zihindagurika za leta ;  kumanurwa muntera kwa Kagame no kwangwa n’abanyarwanda n’amahanga ; gusubira Kongo kw’ingabo ; ngo ingabo zimaze gusubira Kongo Kagame azicwa, gusubiranamo kw’ingabo Kagame amaze gupfa ;  kugaruka kw’ingabo zagiye muri Kongo zihuruye kubera ubwicanyi buzaba buri mu gihugu ;  Kugotwa impande zose z’u Rwanda nabasirikare beshi ; kumeneka kw’ amaraso meshi y’abanyarwanda kuruta ayamenetse mbere muri 1994, kugaruka kwa k’Umwami Kigeli V Ndahindurwa ; gutahuka kw’abantu beshi bari hanze ; kuzaba  Sgt Nsabagasani nyiribuhanuzi  atakiba mu Rwanda.

Ubuhanuzi buhabwa Kagame.

Avuga ko akimara kubyerekwa muri 1996 yahise abibwira abasirikare bose babanaga muri Batayo ya 31 nk’uko yabibwiye abasirikare babanaga kwa Habyarimana. Amaze kubivuga kandi yabivugiye imbere y’abasirikare bari munama yari iyobowe na Gen Mubaraka. Ngo Gen Mubaraka yamubajije niba igihugu kizafatwa n’abacengezi kuko aribo barimo kurwanya igihugu , amubwira ko igihe kitaragera.

Avuga ko Mubaraka yaje kuhava asimburwa n’uwitwa Maj.  Jacob Tumwine icyo gihe, ngo Imana yakomeje kumuhata ngo yandike avuga ubuhanuzi bwe kandi abubwire abayobozi bohejuru. Ku itariki ya 13 Gicurasi 1998 yandikiye Perezida Bizimungu amubwira ibyo yeretswe , ariko ibaruwa yamwandikiye yatwawe n’ ushinzwe urwego rw’iperereza  muri iyo Batayo ya 31 yabagamo, 2Lt Claude ( ntabwo ngo yibuka irindi zina),  arutwara muri G2,  urwego rushinzwe iperereza muri Ministeri y’ingabo, ari naho banyujije ibaruwa y’ubuhamya yandikiwe perezida ihabwa Kagame wari visi perezida akaba na minisitiri w’ingabo icyo gihe.

Nyuma yaje gutumwaho n’uwitwa Capt  Franco (nawe ngo irindi ntaryibuka) wakoraga muri G2, amubwira ko ubutumwa  Visi perezida adahari ( icyo gihe yari Kagame), ariko ubutumwa yabubinye, asabwa gusigara i Kigali ariko arabinginga ngo asubira aho yari mu gisirikare kuko yumvaga aribyo byamufasha.

Atangira guhigwa bashaka ko apfa.

Kubera ubwo butumwa butigeze bushimisha abo yabuhaye ngo hatangiye umugambi wo gushaka uburyo yakwicwa, maze hapangwa kumwohereza kurugamba ahantu habi kugirango apfiriyo, Sgt Nsabagasani avuga ko yaje koherezwa kurwana Kongo, Imana nanone yaje kumubwira ko agiye koherezwa ahantu habi ariko ntacyo azaba, ngo bari ahantu hitwa Mpfizi muri Kongo, yari ayobowe n’umusirikare witwa Maj Rutayomba Theogene, yaje koherezwa kurugamba ahantu habi, ajyana n’abasirikare 2 gusa kureba aho abasirikare barwana bari bari.  Ariko ngo wari umugambi wo kumuroha ngo agwe aho, yakomeje kwizera ijwi ry’Imana ko iri bumurinde.  Avuga ko Imana yakoze igitangaza ngo abagezeho yumvise ijwi rimubwira ngo narase isasu rimwe gusa, amaze kurirasa abasirikare bose bari ruka ngo barahunga bata imbunda nyishi cyane kuburyo abasirikare bandi baje kuza basanga azicaye iruhande wenyine n’abasirikare 2 bari kumwe kuko batari gushobora kuzikorera zose. Yaje gusubizwa mu Rwanda muri 2002 ariko asize ababwiye abasirikare  ko bose bagiye gutaha kuko ariko Imana ngo yari yamweretse.

2003 Kagame yaje kumutuma ho intumwa amubaza niba azatsinda amatora, ariko ngo amusubiza ko atazayatsinda ahubwo azayiba, amaze kumusubiza gutyo ategeka ko bamukura mu gisirikare, yaje gukurwa mu gisirikare atabizi yumvise gusa bamusoma kuri lisiti y’abasirikare bagomba gusezererwa. Avuga ko amaze gusezererwa yasubiye iwabo i Musambira, ariko akomeza kuvuga ubutumwa, hirya no hino mu gihugu.

Uko Sgt Nsabagasani yavuye mu Rwanda.

Avuga ko mu kwezi ku Ukwakira 2009, yabwiwe n’ijwi ry’Imana ko agomba gushaka ibyangobwa kava mu gihugu, kuko ngo ibyo Imana yahanuye byenda gusohora, amaze gushaka ibyangobwa byose, we ngo ntabwo  yaje yihishe kuko yategetswe ko agomba gusiga abibwiye abantu igitumye agenda kuko Imana igiye gusohoza ibyo yavuze. Yatangiye gusezera abantu ahereye ku baturanyi be, ndetse n’abayobozi ababwira ibizaba, asezera ngo amatorero ndetse n’iy’i Kigali, cyane irya ADEPR riri ku Kacyiro aho bakunze kwita Meridien, abibwira bakirisito bose ko agiye kugenda ariko ngo Imana yamutegetse ngo ibone gusohoza amasezerano yavuze ku Rwanda.

Ubuyobozi ba leta bwumvise ko asezeye yamutumye ho uwitwa Senateri Antoine Mugesera, amubwira ko nubwo agiye ariko atagomba gutwara abantu, kandi amusaba kudakomeza kuvuga ko igihugu kigiye gusubira mu bwicanyi kandi kizapfamo abantu beshi.

Ku itariki ya 8 Gashyantare 2010 niho ngo yahagurutse mu Rwanda Imana imubwiye ko ngo izagaruka kandi azaza azanye n’Impunzi nyishi zabaga hanze zose kuko  igiye gusohoza imigambi yayo.

Yatubwiye kandi ko mu byo yeretswe byose igisigaye ari ugusubira Kongo kw’ingabo z’u Rwanda, kwicwa kwa Kagame n’abanyarwanda no kugaruka k’Umwami Kigeli V Ndahindurwa.

Iki kiganiro ikinyamakuru Inyenyerinews cyagiranye na Sgt Nsabagasani, twagitangaje uko cyakabaye, twirinze kugira icyo dukuramo cyangwa se twongeraho.

Basomyi bacu, n’ahanyu buri wose afite uko abyumva, n’uko abyemera !

Ifoto iriho niya nyirubuhanuzi Sgt Nsabagasani Dominic

Charles I

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