This
year marks eighteen years of lies and betrayals from Paul Kagame, as he
continues to cover up his crimes against humanity. Many Rwandans
struggle to come to terms with lose of their loved ones, while the
criminal continues to parade the streets as a free man?
Fed
up with Paul Kagame’s way of doing things, Jean Pierre Mugabe, former
Intelligence Officer of the Department G2 of National Gendarmerie
(Rwandan Patriotic Army) fled to the United State of America to seek
refugee in 2000. Thereafter he was followed by many other Rwandeses who
did not jelly well with Paul Kagame’s leadership.
Recently
Dr Theogene Rudasingwa, senator Safari Stanley, Col Patrick Karegeya
and Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa unchained themselves and fled into exile. This
angered already angry man to a point where his agents started hunting
those opposing him in exile. The following extracts from Jean Pierre
Mugabe’s confession letter in 2000 published in 2001 by “Centre for Research on Globalisation”, shades a light in our understanding of a man who continues to betray Rwandans on a large scale.
The Perpetrators of the Presidential Aircraft Crash .
Major-General Paul KAGAME is the son of Rutagambwa and Siteriya and comes from Gitisi and Nyamagana near Ruhango (GITARAMA).
Colonel
James KABAREBE. Was the private Secretary and aide-de-camp (ADC) of
Major-General Paul Kagame (see above). He became Commander of the High
Command Unit at Mulindi. Later, this Unit became the Republican Guard
under his leadership. James Kabarebe was the Commander-in-Chief of the
Congolese Army Forces (FAC) after Mzee Laurent Desire Kabila took power
in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 1997. Soon after, James
took the control of forces determined to overthrow Mzee Kabila.
Lieutenant-Colonel
Charles KAYONGA was chief in charge of the Operations Unit of High
Command Unit at Mulindi - at that time with the rank of lieutenant -
from December 1993 until July 1, 1994. From lieutenant, he was promoted
directly to the rank of Lieutenant-colonel and given the command of the
RPA battalion sent to Kigali to what is now the National Assembly (then
the NDC: National Development Council) after the signing of the Arusha
Accords. Kayonga had under his command more than 3,200 RPA troops,
wearing civilian clothes, who clandestinely entered into the city of
Kigali.
Preparations in the Rwandan Patriotic Front .
During
and after the signing of the Arusha Peace Accords, the Rwandan
Patriotic Front was preparing for the final battle. After the signature
by both sides involved in the conflict, (then) Major (now Major-General)
Paul Kagame started visiting all Unit Commands under the areas
controlled by RPF. He met with us (Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers) and
assured us that we should not believe at all in Arusha Peace Accords.
"Be
ready with your military equipment, we are going to fight for the final
war against the Kigali Government," Major Paul Kagame told the RPF
troops.
Thereafter,
the military forces in different units received intensive training in
Karama, a political-military center in Byumba prefecture. In addition,
the nominally-civilian cadres of RPF also received some military and
political training in Karama to support the RPA.
When
the RPF had sent its RPA battalion of 600 troops to Kigali under
command of Lt.-Col. Charles Kayonga, other military units in civilian
clothes also infiltrated the town of Kigali. Every time that RPF trucks
came to our headquarter in Mulindi to load military supplies and
firewood to be sent to the battalion in Kigali (at the CND, where the
RPA battalion was based), arms and ammunition were also loaded,
concealed among the supplies which were legitimately supposed to reach
Kigali.
The
RPF's high-ranking officers in Kigali under MINUAR (United Nations
International Monitoring Unit in Rwanda) were there to survey the
preparations of the then- Government Army. RPF
officials tried at their best to convince other opposition political
parties to address the Rwandan crises by eliminating President
Habyalimana. Pres. Habyalimana has been reported as the key person who
brought disaster to the country and the person who delayed the
implementation of the Arusha Peace Accord. There were, however, other
factors. The main political parties, the MDR and PSD, were reluctant to
support the RPF proposal in the belief that the RPF itself would not
respect the Arusha Peace Accord.
Gatabazi
Felicien, the incumbent Secretary-General of PSD (Partie Socialiste
Democrat), was killed by RPF gunmen while entering his compound in
Kigali in February 1994, because he had opposed the RPF plan. The
killers used a known and standard RPF method called "standing up". The
RPF held a meeting between February and March 1994 at Mulindi with RPF-
member businessmen, the sponsors of RPF's guerilla operations.
Major-General
Paul Kagame, closing that meeting, spoke about the Arusha Peace Accord,
accusing Habyalimana of delaying its imprimantation. A businessman
named Kalinda Sweet Bread (who subsequently fled Rwanda in 1998 after
the RPA killed his child), speaking on behalf of other RPF members,
declared that the Arusha Peace Accord delayed the RPF program and that
this would cost a lot of money which they would not be capable of
providing in the coming days. Major- General Kagame asked for solutions.
Kalinda responded that the real solution was to re- attack the Rwandan
Government. That proposal was well-received by other businessmen and
Kagame did not oppose it.
The Collapse of the Arusha Peace Accord Was the Opportunity for the RPF to Seize Power .
It
was clear that if the Arusha Peace Accord was to be implemented then
both the Habyalimina Administration and the RPF would face possibly
insurmountable difficulties. (It was well-known that elections would not
favor the RPF because Hutu power cores of the MRND, MDR, CDR, PSD and
PL parties were composed mostly of Hutu.) As a result, both leaders, for
different reasons, knew that implementation of the Arusha Accords was
not acceptable, despite public posturing to the contrary.
Maj.-Gen.
Kagame at this stage was clearly committed, therefore, to continuing
the guerrilla war against the Habyalimana, up to and including the
assassination of the President. It has become clear that, in this
process, Maj.-Gen. Kagame was aware of the fact that killing Pres.
Habyalimana would initiate mass destruction and genocide. RPF officers,
such as myself, were told in 1993 by the RPF leadership that
intelligence reports indicated that Pres. Habyalimana's Hutu followers
would begin a campaign to kill all Tutsis in the event that Kagame
attempted to seize power.
This
intelligence was leaked to the exiled King of Rwanda, King Kigeli V, by
his supporters within the RPF, and the King subsequently used the
information to issue written warnings to the United States Government
and the United Nations that a campaign of genocide was expected. These
warnings are now a matter of public record.
As
an intelligence officer, I knew that Maj.-Gen. Kagame was well-informed
of the fact that Pres. Habyalimana's Presidential Guard and Interahamwe
militia were trained and armed to eliminate Tutsi groups in case Paul
Kagame attempted to take power. He knew very well that almost all Tutsi
were registered on the list of those who had to be exterminated.
The
RPF's clandestine broadcasting unit, Radio Muhabura, consistently and
openly broadcast at the time details of the Interahamwe's plans for
attacks on Tutsis.
The following examples demonstrate that extent of that situation:
Gatabazi
Felicien, noted above, was assassinated by the RPF because he had
refused to endorse the plan to kill Habyalimana. The RPF had been afraid
that he might reveal the plans to Habyalimana who was a close associate
in an arms business which weapons supplied to Palipehutu, a
criminal-extremist Hutu group in Burundi, and through Mr. Minani, who
was at that time a Burundian Minister. The transit store of those arms
was a company called Mimosa, a travel company located behind St. Andrews
College at Nyamirambo, a suburb of Kigali. Mimosa belonged to
Mbarushimana Antoine, a close friend to Gatabazi. Mbarushimana was
subsequently killed by RPA at Nyanza (a sub-prefecture of Butare) after
the genocide, in order to silence a witness of Gatabazi's death.
Part 2 to follow up next.
By rncnewsonline.
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