Ambrose Nizeyimana, a Rwandan blogger writes about the involvement of Rwandan troops in the DRC.
While you might think this is past tense, the reality is that Paul
Kagame's army is still very active in the eastern region. The story is
not an easy one to understand. Alliances change very rapidly, and Rwanda often allies itself with their enemies (Hutu FDLR) in order to loot DRC's minerals. The Congolese
army (FARDC) has also collaborated with the FDLR at various stages in
the region's volatile history. The most important moral lesson is that,
the international community needs to start shunning armed actors whether
in the DRC
or in Rwanda. The less legitimacy they command internationally, the
close we can come to achieving peace in the region. Below is the
Nizeyimana's piece.
Saturday, 30 October 2010 at 18:54 – David Barouski reported
on his online pages facts confirming what has always been the reality on
the ground but carefully misrepresented in mainstream media, because of
diverse interests they protect. The destabilizing character of Paul
Kagame in Eastern Congo under different disguises is uncontestable since
the time he first invaded DRC alongside Uganda and Burundi in 1996.
Barouski explains that, ‘Rwandan soldiers in FARDC
uniforms have been spotted near some of the mining areas there. There
are also reportedly Rwandans trying to strike deals with Congolese
traders in Beni-Lubero to create mining cooperatives. Some sources
claim they are planning to go to Northern Katanga and South Kivu as
well. Sources in Goma claim that, despite the smuggling, coltan stocks
bought illegally before the mining ban are being smuggled to Rwanda
without much problem, as the border guards and customs officials are
still easily paid off. Charcoal, ivory, wildlife, and cash crops are
still smuggled as well.’
The source continues highlighting other troubling development further south in the same Eastern Congo.
‘In South Kivu, the FRF have allied with the FDLR. In the past, prior
to the arrest of Laurent Nkunda, the FRF was allied with the CNDP and
Kigali, as pointed out in the UN Panel of Experts report of 2008. Both
groups joined, in part, because their numbers have dwindled. The FDLR
has lost about half of its capacity due to the FARDC and RDF
operations. However, RDF soldiers who deployed in the area, along with
Amani Leo units, have been unable to dislodge them due to difficult
terrain. RDF soldiers are said to be fighting the FRF in Itwombe.
There is talk that the FNL may join this coalition, and other Bembe from
that region may join in as well.’
David Barouski goes on explaining some of the intricacies of what forces on the ground are at.
Rwanda is concerned that if the FNL take to fighting again, and
especially if they team up with the FDLR, the FDLR will be able to have
access to inflitrate Rwanda from the southern front via Nyungwe if they
can get past border security and the patrols and bases in and along the
forest. Rwanda’s forces are stretched somewhat thin, as numerous
soldiers have infiltrated Congo to fight and other 3,200 – 3,300
soldiers and police are in Darfur.
There is also the pro-Nkundists,
defected RDF soldiers, and the CND holed up in Uganda to the North.
Rwanda does not need to defend another front. The RDF soldiers in
Congo hope to severely weaken the FDLR, FPLC, pro-Nkundists, and all
other anti-Rwandan militias before they can organize and possibly form
an alliance. Kigali would prefer to use smaller commando units and use
their army intermittently, not as an occupying force in large numbers.
After the mass rapes in Luvungi, following a meeting between
President Kagame and President Kabila, the FARDC inacted the mining ban
and launched a military attack in Walikale territory to defeat the
Mai-Mai Cheka, FDLR led by General Mudacamura and a militia led by
Colonel Emmanuel Nsengiyumva. The militia allegedly has pro-Nkundists
in its ranks. With Kabila’s permission, the RDF went to Walikale and
sources claim Bosco was sent there as well. The purpose of the
operation appears to be to get the mine out of the hands of the FDLR and
pro-Nkundists and back into the hands of Bosco and his loyalists in the
FARDC and his militia the FLEC. They can still collect illegal
taxation along the routes. That way, Rwanda, and the FLEC, can
potentially at some point benefit from the cassiterite trade there while
depriving anti-Rwandan militias of the funding they sorely need.
Rwanda needs to back the FLEC as a proxy against the anti-Rwandan
militias and the FLEC is protecting some of the land owned by prominent
RPF members and high-ranking RDF soldiers.
They are also helping provide protection for the Tutsi refugee
returnees, and the Rwandans who are sneaking across the border with them
and settling in Masisi territory, bringing their cattle and belongings
with them. Some sources claim the new occupants of Bisie, officially
one of the brigades of the 21st sector (recall the Rwandans are in FARDC
uniform), might be looking to cut deals with new traders before the
mining ban is lifted. This coincides with the alleged visitation of
Rwandans looking to set up joint cooperatives. Keep an eye on Rwanda’s
export numbers. The FLEC also appears to have allied with the Hutu
elements of PARECO.
It is also being said that the FLEC, under Bosco’s command, have
allegedly been helping Rwanda’s DMI assassinate key ex-CNDP officers
allied with Nkunda as well as CNDP moneymen allied with Nkunda. These
assassinations have occurred in Congo. Some pro-Nkundists are now
allegedly joining the FLEC’s ranks or alligning themselves with the
pro-Bosco FARDC elements. Officially, Bosco is supposed to be relieved
of his position in the FARDC. Pres. Kabila is apparently beginning to
move the ex-CNDP out of North Kivu, as mentioned before, but don’t be
surprised if the ones moved are the pro-Nkundists, not the pro-Bosco
ex-CNDP soldiers.
All the above developments led to General Kabarebe to visit officials
in Kinshasa last week. In addition, there was a recent meeting of the
Intelligence chiefs of Rwanda (Emmanuel Ndahiro [DMI]), DRC (Jean-Pierre
Daruwezi [ANR]), and Burundi (Gen. Adolphe Nshimirimana [SNR]) in
Bujumbura to discuss how to coordinate intellegence between their
respective countries better in order to combat the non-state armed
actors. The first step will be to appoint liason officers for each
country.
In this whole picture, the surprising element is the attitude
of the international community which leaves free reign of
internationally re-known military and political leaders accused of
crimes against humanity, war crimes and acts of genocide, to operate
without any condemnation. Bosco Ntaganda has an international warrant
issued by ICC pending on his head. The UN report released on October 1st
on crimes committed in Democratic Republic of Congo between 1993 and
2003 accuses incontestably Paul Kagame of crimes against humanity, war
crimes and acts of genocide character against Hutu refugees and Hutu
Congolese populations.
Wouldn’t it be true that MONUSCO currently in DRC as its
predecessor MINUAR in Rwanda back in 1993/94 is working to protect
interests of those external forces to the Great Lakes region exploiting
its mineral resources, instead of peacekeeping? In that context, who
would be the equivalent of General Dallaire in the case of MINUAR
playing the card of destabilizing elements in Eastern Congo the same way
the former facilitated the Rwandan Patriotic Front to pile up
ammunitions in the country for its final control?
The timing of this reported incursion in Eastern Congo at the
time of the US midterm elections reminds about the last official entry
in DRC of Kagame’s soldiers on January 20th, 2009 on the day
of the inauguration of Barack Obama. It looks as if Kagame’s military
advisers count significantly on any possible reaction of US while
intervening in DRC. They progress only when US administration is very
politically preoccupied by internal affairs. Which means analysts should
preempt his next military moves when there will be general elections in
US in 2012, this of course if Paul Kagame is still around.
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