When I tweeted in  honor of the commemoration of Melchior Ndadaye, it immediately dawned on  me that many of my virtual friends may have no prior knowledge about  this guy and what he stood for. Much of what is written about the Great  Lakes region, for good or worse, has predominantly focused on Rwanda. In  fact, only recently has the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)  penetrated the media’s radar. Many continue to wonder, and for good  reasons, why a civil war that has a death toll six times higher than  Rwanda, was largely ignored by the western media and its victim’s  completely written off. These are intractable questions that I cannot  pretend to have answers for. I can only tell the tell share the  testimonies.
Following independence from the Belgians, power in Burundi, remained  consolidated within the structures of the Tutsi community comprising  roughly 15 per cent of the population. The oppressed Hutu majority  maintained resistance and Burundi soon became amok with ethnic violence.
The first major killings occurred in 1972.  In what scholars have often described as a “selective genocide”, a  conservative figure of 100,000 Hutus were murdered by the Tutsi  dominated army. The targeted were mostly Hutu intellectuals, business  men and local school teachers. The renowned scholar on Burundi, René  Lemarchand, has noted that, “to speak of “selective genocide” in  describing the outcome of such large scale political violence seems  scarcely an exaggeration”. These killings would later have a radical  impact on the future of the great lakes region.
In 1988, another 20,000 people perished. As in the previous massacre,  the victims died under the hands of the ruling Tutsi military. Massive  migrations ensued and millions of Hutus fled to Rwanda which was at this  time under the control of a Hutu regime. Others fled towards Tanzania  and west to the Democratic Republic of Congo. But the resistance was not  over yet, only the method took a new shift.
Melchior Ndadaye was born in 1953 in the town of Murama. While training  as a teacher, his education was interrupted by the 1972 massacres. To  avoid being killed, he fled to Rwanda where he was able to pursue  university education at the National University of Rwanda.
Ndadaye helped found the Burundi students organization, a movement of  exiled Hutu students. He was also among the founders of the Workers  Party in 1979 for which he served as president. He returned to Burundi  in September 1983, ready for a non-violent struggle against a corrupt  and elite Tutsi government led by the military dictator, Jean-Baptiste  Bagaza. However, he remained underground until 1992, when the new  military leader, Major. Jean Pierre Buyoya accepted political reforms.  His formed the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU) which was soon  registered.
Although a man of the people, he was largely unknown in Burundi as his  political programs had been hindered. The Tutsi establishment might have  underestimated his charm. In June 1993, the three other predominately  Hutu parties endorsed his candidature. Ndadaye won the presidential  elections with “a crushing victory” garnering 65% of the votes.  His  party scooped 61 out of the 81 seats. This was the first ever,  democratic election in Burundi. And Ndadaye became the first Hutu  president of republic of Burundi.
It is now well understood that Ndadaye took a more cautious approach and  was negatively branded a “moderate” within his Hutu support base. He  wanted to solve the deep ethnic divides facing the new democracy. He  named Slyvie Kinigi, a Tutsi woman politicians, as his Prime Minister  and gave a third of his cabinet posts to the Tutsi dominated Union for  National Progress (UNP). Although he was president, the military was  still controlled by a group of Tutsi extremists. His tolerance and slow  reaction might have caused his eventual demise.
Barely a hundred days into his presidency, Ndadaye’s home was besieged  by members of the Tutsi military. Along with three members of his  cabinet, Ndadaye was bayoneted to death.
His death sparked deadly protests around the country. It also marked the  beginning of a deadly and protracted civil war, lasting more than ten  years. The civil war is believed to have cost an additional 100,000  lives. Both sides, Hutu and Tutsi, lost their kins.
Ndadaye is today remembered as the founding father of Burundi’s  reconciliatory democracy.  His blood is the fountain for Burundi’s  rebirth. His legacy of active non-violence should serve as an example to  future leaders in this region. It is the only way to build a system  that is not based on ethnic exclusion.
In the case of Rwanda, we can draw inspiration from the resilience of  this man. But we can also learn from his desire to forgive his enemies. The  incarceration of Mme. Ingabire Victoire and that of other free  thinkers, is the beginning of a movement that will culminate in the  freedom for all Rwandans. She is following in Ndadaye’s tradition by  refusing to pick up arms. And she is ready to pay the price as there  can be on gain without pain and no crown without the cross. Ultimately,  though, only love and forgiveness will save our motherland. 


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